{"id":17630,"date":"2025-07-29T21:23:44","date_gmt":"2025-07-30T01:23:44","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.statutesandstories.com\/blog_html\/?p=17630"},"modified":"2025-09-29T12:00:22","modified_gmt":"2025-09-29T16:00:22","slug":"federal-farmers-arguments","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.statutesandstories.com\/blog_html\/federal-farmers-arguments\/","title":{"rendered":"Federal Farmer&#8217;s Arguments"},"content":{"rendered":"<p style=\"font-weight: 400; text-align: center;\"><span style=\"color: #000000;\"><strong>The Federal Farmer\u2019s Arguments<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400; text-align: center;\"><span style=\"color: #000000;\"><strong>The Federal Farmer \/ Elbridge Gerry Authorship Thesis\u00a0<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400; text-align: center;\"><span style=\"color: #000000;\"><strong>(Uncovering the Federal Farmer \u2013 Part 6)<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">During the winter of 1787 the fate of the proposed constitution was uncertain. Federalists and Antifederalists disagreed over ratification, the need for amendments, and whether a second Constitutional Convention should be called. As the summer approached, the nation prepared for contested ratification conventions in the deeply divided states of New York and Virginia.<a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftn1\" name=\"_ftnref1\">[1]<\/a> In May, the month before the eagerly anticipated New York ratification convention was scheduled to meet,<a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftn2\" name=\"_ftnref2\">[2]<\/a> nearly identical advertisements began appearing in New York City newspapers.<a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftn3\" name=\"_ftnref3\">[3]<\/a> Thomas Greenleaf\u2019s <em>New York Journal<\/em> announced that a second pamphlet from the Federal Farmer was \u201cJust Published and to be sold.\u201d This was decidedly good news for Antifederalists, but not so for Federalists.<a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftn4\" name=\"_ftnref4\">[4]<\/a><\/p>\n<p><a href=\"https:\/\/www.statutesandstories.com\/blog_html\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/07\/Advertisement-NYJ-2-May-1789-copy.jpg\"><img loading=\"lazy\" class=\"aligncenter size-full wp-image-17632\" src=\"https:\/\/www.statutesandstories.com\/blog_html\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/07\/Advertisement-NYJ-2-May-1789-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"469\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https:\/\/www.statutesandstories.com\/blog_html\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/07\/Advertisement-NYJ-2-May-1789-copy.jpg 469w, https:\/\/www.statutesandstories.com\/blog_html\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/07\/Advertisement-NYJ-2-May-1789-copy-110x300.jpg 110w, https:\/\/www.statutesandstories.com\/blog_html\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/07\/Advertisement-NYJ-2-May-1789-copy-375x1024.jpg 375w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 469px) 100vw, 469px\" \/><\/a><\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The New York ratification convention began in mid-June 1788 and would not adjourn until July 26<sup>th<\/sup>. On the evening of July 4th Federalists and Antifederalists alike celebrated the nation\u2019s birthday. As reported in the Poughkeepsie<em> County Journal,<\/em><a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftn5\" name=\"_ftnref5\">[5]<\/a> a number of respectable citizens assembled at the house of Antifederalist Mathew Patterson. Glasses were raised for thirteen toasts, starting with the anniversary of American independence. Additional toasts honored Congress, General Washington, and the late army. With the New York ratification convention still meeting in Poughkeepsie, the following toasts were also raised:<\/p>\n<ol start=\"8\">\n<li style=\"font-weight: 400;\">May the Convention of this State deliberate with coolness, impartiality and wisdom, on the important business now before them.<\/li>\n<li style=\"font-weight: 400;\">May the electors of the State of New-York, never give their suffrages to men or measures that may enslave them.<\/li>\n<li style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Annual elections, the basis of freedom in Republican Government.<\/li>\n<li style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The Federal Farmer and the Plebian.<a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftn6\" name=\"_ftnref6\">[6]<\/a><\/li>\n<li style=\"font-weight: 400;\">May the genius of America ever guard her sons against tyranny.<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">As described by historians, the<em> Letters of the Federal Farmer<\/em> \u201cbecame a primer for the Antifederalists.\u201d<a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftn7\" name=\"_ftnref7\">[7]<\/a> Indeed, several of the July 4th toasts borrowed from the Federal Farmer\u2019s arguments, in addition to toasting the Federal Farmer himself. For example, the Federal Farmer suggested that the state conventions should \u201cexamine coolly every article, clause and word\u201d of the proposed Constitution and adopt it \u201cwith such amendments as they shall think fit.\u201d<a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftn8\" name=\"_ftnref8\">[8]<\/a> The Federal Farmer also argued for annual elections, which not coincidentally was a consistent position held by Elbridge Gerry.<a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftn9\" name=\"_ftnref9\">[9]<\/a><\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">This blog post, <strong>Uncovering the Federal Farmer (Part 6<\/strong>), is the sixth installment of a multi-part series attempting to demystify the Federal Farmer. <span style=\"color: #000000;\"><a style=\"color: #000000;\" href=\"https:\/\/www.statutesandstories.com\/blog_html\/newly-rediscovered-manuscript-sheds-light-on-the-identity-of-the-federal-farmer\/\"><strong>Part 1<\/strong><\/a><\/span> revealed an unpublished and undated manuscript by Elbridge Gerry which sheds new light on his identity as the Federal Farmer. <span style=\"color: #000000;\"><strong><a style=\"color: #000000;\" href=\"https:\/\/www.statutesandstories.com\/blog_html\/mystery-solved-antifederalist-elbridge-gerry-was-the-federal-farmer\/\">Part 2<\/a><\/strong><\/span> explores Gerry\u2019s background and examines the historiography of the Federal Farmer, long believed to have been Richard Henry Lee. <span style=\"color: #000000;\"><a style=\"color: #000000;\" href=\"https:\/\/www.statutesandstories.com\/blog_html\/the-federal-farmer-elbridge-gerry-authorship-thesis\/\"><strong>Part 3<\/strong><\/a><\/span> provides an overview of the mounting evidence supporting John Kaminski\u2019s attribution that Elbridge Gerry was the Federal Farmer, not Melancton Smith as commonly assumed by modern historians.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\"><span style=\"color: #000000;\"><a style=\"color: #000000;\" href=\"https:\/\/www.statutesandstories.com\/blog_html\/mystery-solved-antifederalist-elbridge-gerry-was-the-federal-farmer-2\/\"><strong>Part 4<\/strong><\/a><\/span> takes a deep dive into archival evidence and the historic record summarized in <span style=\"color: #000000;\"><a style=\"color: #000000;\" href=\"https:\/\/www.statutesandstories.com\/blog_html\/the-federal-farmer-elbridge-gerry-authorship-thesis\/\"><strong>Part 3<\/strong><\/a><\/span>. For example, the Antifederalists had difficulty getting published.<a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftn10\" name=\"_ftnref10\">[10]<\/a> Yet, it turns out that Elbridge Gerry was related to New York publisher, Thomas Greenleaf. Does the fact that Gerry\u2019s mother was a Greenleaf help explain Thomas Greenleaf\u2019s decision to publish the <em>Letters of the Federal Farmer<\/em> and other Antifederalist works?<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">As set forth in <span style=\"color: #000000;\"><a style=\"color: #000000;\" href=\"https:\/\/www.statutesandstories.com\/blog_html\/mystery-solved-antifederalist-elbridge-gerry-was-the-federal-farmer-2\/\"><strong>Part 4<\/strong><\/a><\/span> the Federal Farmer consistently grounded his arguments with examples from Massachusetts. In hindsight it should not be surprising that multiple, specific citations to substantive provisions of the Massachusetts Constitution have been uncovered in the <em>Letters of the Federal Farmer<\/em>. <span style=\"color: #000000;\"><a style=\"color: #000000;\" href=\"https:\/\/www.statutesandstories.com\/blog_html\/the-federal-farmers-fingerprints\/\"><strong>Part 5<\/strong><\/a><\/span> identifies signature phrases used by Elbridge Gerry and the Federal Farmer, which are analogous to linguistic \u201cfingerprints.\u201d<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Building on <span style=\"color: #000000;\"><a style=\"color: #000000;\" href=\"https:\/\/www.statutesandstories.com\/blog_html\/the-federal-farmers-fingerprints\/\"><strong>Part 5<\/strong><\/a><\/span>, <strong>Part 6 <\/strong>\u00a0presents additional evidence in support of the <strong>F<\/strong>ederal Farmer \u2013 <strong>E<\/strong>lbridge Gerry <strong>A<\/strong>uthorship<strong>T<\/strong>hesis (FEAT). In 1988 John P. Kaminski posited that \u201call of the positions taken by the Federal Farmer appear perfectly consistent with Gerry\u2019s stance at the Constitutional Convention.\u201d<a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftn11\" name=\"_ftnref11\">[11]<\/a> Part 6 takes a wide-angle view of Gerry\u2019s record. \u00a0Elbridge Gerry was not a typical Antifederalist. Some of the Federal Farmer\u2019s positions might be described as advancing \u201cunexpected Antifederalist arguments,\u201d which provide further evidence linking Gerry and the Federal Farmer. \u00a0Part 6 demonstrates that the Federal Farmer\u2019s underlying arguments and reasoning aligns with Gerry\u2019s positions at the Convention, October 18<sup>th<\/sup> objections, and speeches during the first Federal Congress.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\"><a href=\"https:\/\/www.statutesandstories.com\/blog_html\/federal-farmer-in-congress\/\"><span style=\"color: #000000;\"><strong>Part 7 <\/strong><\/span><\/a>continues with a discussion of \u201cGerry\u2019s endgame,\u201d the adoption of constitutional amendments, which further illustrate Gerry\u2019s identity as the Federal Farmer. For example, neither Gerry nor the Federal Farmer wanted to rush the adoption of constitutional amendments. Rather, as a member of the first Federal Congress, Gerry supported the adoption of essential legislation necessary to establish a working federal government, before proceeding with a robust and transparent amendment process.<a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftn12\" name=\"_ftnref12\">[12]<\/a><\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">While no single piece of evidence is alone conclusive, it is believed that the combined weight of the mutually reinforcing attribution evidence is striking. It is anticipated that independent scholarly review of the FEAT Thesis will support the conclusion that Kaminski\u2019s attribution is now settled. In other words, the goal of this exercise is put to rest \u201cby far the most controversial and long-lived debate\u201d<a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftn13\" name=\"_ftnref13\">[13]<\/a> over the authorship of a pseudonymous essay.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">A discussion of the Federal Farmer would not be complete without a discussion of Melancton Smith.\u00a0 <strong>Part 8 (pending) <\/strong>builds on Kaminski\u2019s suggestion that Smith was likely the Republican to whom the letters of the Federal Farmer were addressed, not the author of the Federal Farmer letters. This is not to say that Melancton Smith wasn\u2019t busy during the ratification campaign. Smith deserves recognition as the author of Brutus and Plebeian.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400; text-align: center;\"><em>Federal Farmer Advertisements<\/em><\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The Federal Farmer\u2019s second pamphlet, entitled <em>An Additional Number of Letters from the Federal Farmer<\/em> (hereinafter the Federal Farmer\u2019s \u201c<em>Additional Letters<\/em>\u201d), was widely advertised in the New York newspapers during the spring and summer of 1788. It is unclear who wrote the advertisements for the <em>Additional Letters<\/em>. The advertisements could have been written or co-written by Gerry, Thomas Greenleaf, or another publisher. Nevertheless, the widely published advertisements contain useful attribution evidence aligning with Elbridge Gerry.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Before exploring the Federal Farmer\u2019s underlying arguments, it makes sense to review the claims made in the newspaper advertisements for the <em>Additional Letters<\/em>. The representations made to potential readers about the Federal Farmer help frame the author\u2019s objectives. In particular, the newspaper advertisements highlight the Federal Farmer\u2019s \u201cmoderation and candor,\u201d recommended amendments, and goal \u201cto adduce arguments to support them.\u201d Importantly, the Federal Farmer was more concerned with the \u201cmerits of the question\u201d and less concerned with the timing of whether amendments were adopted before or after ratification. As set forth below, the following statements support the FEAT thesis:<\/p>\n<ul>\n<li>\u201cThe former letters, published under the signature of the Federal Farmer have undergone several impressions in the different states, and several thousands of them have been sold. They are admitted, by candid men of both parties, to be written with a <em>spirit of <strong>moderation<\/strong> and candour<\/em>.\u201d<\/li>\n<li>\u201cThe design of these additional letters, is, <em>more fully to explain<\/em> and enforce the positions laid down in the former. The author <em>does not aim to foment the <strong>passions<\/strong><\/em>; his appeal is to the reason of his readers. He wishes every man to examine for himself, and form his own opinion on the <em>merits of the question<\/em>.\u201d<\/li>\n<li>\u201cThere are very few <em>dispassionate<\/em> men, who do not wish to see amendments made to this system. <em>The great drift of these additional letters, is, to point out what these <strong>amendments ought to be, and to adduce arguments<\/strong> to support them<\/em>.\u201d<\/li>\n<li>\u201cIt is a matter of <em>small importance, whether these amendments precede or succeed<\/em> the adoption of the constitution, so that they be made.\u201d<\/li>\n<li>\u201cIt is hoped, therefore, that gentlemen who are sincere in declaring that they wish for <em>amendments<\/em>, will unite in turning their attention to the subject, that they may be prepared to accede to such as are proper.\u2014To those who are thus disposed, this publication is recommended.\u201d<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">In addition to newspaper advertisements, the <em>Additional Letters<\/em> began with a three paragraph advertisement dated January 30, 1788.<a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftn14\" name=\"_ftnref14\">[14]<\/a> Among other things, the introductory advertisement printed in the pamphlet highlighted the Federal Farmer\u2019s disinclination to foment passions, \u201cappeal to reason,\u201d and admission that \u201che is well acquainted with the members of the convention\u2026as respectable a body of men as America, probably, ever will see assembled.\u201d As discussed in <span style=\"color: #000000;\"><a style=\"color: #000000;\" href=\"https:\/\/www.statutesandstories.com\/blog_html\/mystery-solved-antifederalist-elbridge-gerry-was-the-federal-farmer-2\/\"><strong>Parts 4<\/strong><\/a><\/span> and <span style=\"color: #000000;\"><a style=\"color: #000000;\" href=\"https:\/\/www.statutesandstories.com\/blog_html\/the-federal-farmers-fingerprints\/\"><strong>5<\/strong>,<\/a><\/span> these statements contain autobiographical clues and stylistic fingerprints connecting Gerry and the Federal Farmer. Accordingly, the following three paragraph advertisement supports the FEAT thesis:<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400; padding-left: 40px;\">Four editions, (and several thousands) of the pamphlets entitled the Federal Farmer, being in a few months printed and sold in the several states; and as they appear to be <em>much esteemed by one party, on the great question, and, by the other, generally allowed to possess merit<\/em>; and as they contain positions highly interesting, which ought to be fully illustrated, an additional number of letters have been written.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400; padding-left: 40px;\">The subject before the public is interesting, and ought to receive a <em>candid and full investigation. These letters are not calculated to foment the <strong>passions<\/strong>; they appeal to reason<\/em>; they are written in a plain stile, with all the perspicuity and brevity that can be expected in writing on a subject so new, so intricate and extensive; and they have this peculiar excellency, that <em>they lead people to examine and think for themselves<\/em><u>, <\/u>in an affair of the last importance to them.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400; padding-left: 40px;\"><em>As to any attempts to injure the members of the convention, or any other characters whatever, the writer has no disposition to do it<\/em>. Whoever will examine his letters, will perceive <strong><em>he is well acquainted with the members of the convention, <\/em><\/strong><em>the characters, parties, and politics of the country; and, on the whole, says, <strong>the convention was as respectable a body of men as America, probably, ever will see assembled<\/strong><\/em>: at the same time they will perceive, that he saw unwarrantable attempts, among designing ardent men without doors, to impose upon a free people, by a parade of names, that in the hurry of affairs defects in the system might escape their observation. <em>Whoever reflects coolly<\/em> upon the conduct of many individuals, when the constitution first appeared, will perceive, that it was the <em>duty of men<\/em>, who saw the pernicious tendency of such conduct, in a decent manner, to disapprove it, and to endeavour to induce the people to decide upon the all-important subject before them, by its <em>own intrinsic merits and faults<\/em>.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400; text-align: center;\"><em>Moderation<\/em><\/p>\n<p><a href=\"https:\/\/www.statutesandstories.com\/blog_html\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/07\/preserve-moderation.jpg\"><img loading=\"lazy\" class=\"aligncenter size-full wp-image-17633\" src=\"https:\/\/www.statutesandstories.com\/blog_html\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/07\/preserve-moderation.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1096\" height=\"196\" srcset=\"https:\/\/www.statutesandstories.com\/blog_html\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/07\/preserve-moderation.jpg 1096w, https:\/\/www.statutesandstories.com\/blog_html\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/07\/preserve-moderation-300x54.jpg 300w, https:\/\/www.statutesandstories.com\/blog_html\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/07\/preserve-moderation-1024x183.jpg 1024w, https:\/\/www.statutesandstories.com\/blog_html\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/07\/preserve-moderation-768x137.jpg 768w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1096px) 100vw, 1096px\" \/><\/a><\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Both Elbridge Gerry and the Federal Farmer were moderate Antifederalists. During the early days of the Constitutional Convention, Gerry opined that \u201c[t]he evils we experience flow from the excess of democracy.\u201d He acknowledged that he had been \u201ctoo republican heretofore: he was still however republican, but had been taught by experience the danger of the levilling spirit.\u201d<a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftn15\" name=\"_ftnref15\">[15]<\/a> Gerry likewise described himself as \u201cprincipled as ever against aristocracy and monarchy.\u201d Further illustrating his moderation, Gerry stated that, \u201c[h]e was not disposed to run into extremes.\u201d<a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftn16\" name=\"_ftnref16\">[16]<\/a><\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">In his October 18 letter to the Massachusetts legislature Gerry agreed that if the Constitution were ultimately ratified over his objections it would be his duty to support it. Gerry explained that \u201cI shall think it my duty as a citizen of Massachusetts to support that which shall be finally adopted, sincerely hoping it will secure the liberty and happiness of America.\u201d He emphasized the importance for all parties to \u201cpreserve moderation.\u201d<a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftn17\" name=\"_ftnref17\">[17]<\/a><\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Gerry\u2019s statements during and after the Convention align perfectly with the advertisements for the Federal Farmer. The newspaper advertisements for the <em>Additional Letters<\/em> emphasized that they were written \u201cwith a spirit of moderation and candor.\u201d Likewise, the newspaper ads made clear that the author did \u201cnot aim to foment the passion; his appeal is to the reason of his readers. He wishes every man to examine for himself and form his own opinion on the merits of the question.\u201d The same sentiment was expressed in the introductory advertisement printed in the Federal Farmer pamphlet.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">This moderation is repeatedly evident in both Federal Farmer pamphlets, particularly Federal Farmer Nos. 3, 5 and 6 as follows:<\/p>\n<ul>\n<li>\u201c<strong>I wish the system adopted with a few alterations<\/strong>; but those, in my mind, are essential ones; if adopted without, every good citizen will <strong>acquiesce<\/strong>, though I shall consider the duration of our governments, and the liberties of this people, very much dependent on the administration of the general government.\u201d (FF3)<\/li>\n<li>\u201cThere are, however, in my opinion, <strong>many good things<\/strong> in the proposed system.\u201d (FF5)<\/li>\n<li>\u201c\u2026on carefully examining them on <strong>both sides<\/strong>, I find much less reason for changing my sentiments, respecting the good and defective parts of the system proposed than I expected \u2014 The opposers, as well as the advocates of it, confirm me in my opinion, that this system affords, all circumstances considered, a <strong>better basis to build upon than the confederation<\/strong>.\u201d (FF6)<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">For decades scholars have recognized that the Federal Farmer was a \u201cmoderate\u201d Antifederalist who \u201cavoided the shrill alarmism of other Anti-Federalists.\u201d<a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftn18\" name=\"_ftnref18\">[18]<\/a> In fact Gordon Wood relied on this characterization as one of the grounds to dispute the longstanding attribution that Richard Henry Lee was the Federal Farmer. Wood explained that the Federal Farmer\u2019s \u201cmoderation, reasonableness and tentativeness\u201d contrasted with Lee\u2019s \u201cmore emotional language,\u201d repeated use of rhetorical questions, exclamatory statements, and charged phrases.<a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftn19\" name=\"_ftnref19\">[19]<\/a><\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">For historian Jack Rakove, the Federal Farmer\u2019s moderation was evidence that Melancton Smith, a \u201cmoderate Anti-Federalist,\u201d was the Federal Farmer.<a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftn20\" name=\"_ftnref20\">[20]<\/a> Yet, as pointed out by John Kaminski, Melancton Smith only moderated his stance at the New York ratification convention <em>after<\/em> news arrive that Virginia had ratified the Constitution.<a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftn21\" name=\"_ftnref21\">[21]<\/a><\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Historians have likewise long known that Gerry was a \u201cmoderate\u201d from the \u201cwell-to-do wing of Anti-Federalism.\u201d<a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftn22\" name=\"_ftnref22\">[22]<\/a>George A. Billias, Gerry\u2019s biographer, absolutely agrees with this understanding of Gerry\u2019s moderation. \u00a0\u201cGerry&#8217;s stance can best be described as a balanced one &#8211; a middle-of-the-road nationalist who would strengthen the central government but, at the same time, would insist upon maintaining certain \u2018federal features.\u2019 \u201d<a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftn23\" name=\"_ftnref23\">[23]<\/a><\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Gerry\u2019s moderation was also evident as Congress considered amendments in June of 1789. Gerry explained that he was not a \u201cblind admirer\u201d of the Constitution, but was not \u201cso blind as to not see its beauties\u201d:<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400; padding-left: 40px;\">I say, sir, I wish as early a day as possible may be assigned for taking up this business, in order to prevent the necessity which the states may think themselves under of calling a new convention. For I am not, sir, one of those blind admirers of this system, who think it all perfection; nor am I so blind as not to see its beauties. The truth is, it partakes of humanity; <strong>in it is blended virtue and vice, errors and excellence<\/strong>. But I think, if it is referred to a new convention, we run the risk of losing some of its best properties; this is a case I never wish to see. Whatever might have been my sentiments of the ratification of the constitution without amendments, my sense now is, that the salvation of America depends upon the establishment of this government, whether amended or not. If the constitution which is now ratified should not be supported, I despair of ever having a government of these United States.<a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftn24\" name=\"_ftnref24\">[24]<\/a><\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Admittedly, the moderation of Gerry and the Federal Farmer by itself doesn\u2019t prove anything. Yet, it is useful to lay this predicate for the FEAT thesis.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400; text-align: center;\"><em>Amending not annihilating\/destroying<\/em><\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">In Gerry&#8217;s very first speech on May 30, 1787, he questioned whether the Constitutional Convention had the authority<a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftn25\" name=\"_ftnref25\">[25]<\/a>to effectively \u201cannihilate the confederation.\u201d<a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftn26\" name=\"_ftnref26\">[26]<\/a> Federal Farmer No. 1 supported \u201camending,\u201d not \u201cdestroying\u201d the confederation. Gerry&#8217;s October 18 letter to the Massachusetts legislature noted that the Convention was called for the \u201csole and express purpose of revising the Articles.\u201d Luther Martin likewise confirmed that \u201cMr. Gerry&#8217;s opposition proceeded from a conviction that the Constitution, if adopted, would terminate in the <em>destruction<\/em> of the States\u2026.\u201d<a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftn27\" name=\"_ftnref27\">[27]<\/a><\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Gerry\u2019s thinking both during and after the Constitutional Convention directly aligns with Federal Farmer No. 1:<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400; padding-left: 40px;\">The idea of <strong>destroying<\/strong> ultimately, the state government, and forming one consolidated system, could not have been admitted&#8212;a convention, therefore, merely for vesting in congress power to regulate trade was proposed. This was pleasing to the commercial towns; and the landed people had little or no concern about it. September, 1786, a few men from the middle states met at Annapolis, and hastily proposed a convention to be held in May, 1787, for the purpose, generally, of <strong>amending<\/strong> the confederation&#8211;this was done before the delegates of Massachusetts, and of the other states arrived&#8211;still not a word was said about <strong>destroying <\/strong>the old constitution, and making a new one. The states still unsuspecting, and not aware that they were passing the Rubicon, appointed members to the new convention, for the <strong>sole and express purpose of revising and amending<\/strong> the confederation&#8211;and, probably, not one man in ten thousand in the United States, till within these ten or twelve days, had an idea that the old ship was to be <strong>destroyed<\/strong>, and be put to the alternative of embarking in the new ship presented, or of being left in danger of sinking. The States, I believe, universally supposed the convention would report alterations in the confederation, which would pass an examination in congress, and after being agreed to there, would be confirmed by all the legislatures, or be rejected.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Multiple sources confirm that Gerry repeatedly expressed the concern that the proposed Constitution ran the risk of <em>annihilating\/destroying<\/em> the state governments. In addition to Gerry\u2019s May 30 speech, Yates, Paterson and Martin similarly quote Gerry describing the risk of annihilating the states:<\/p>\n<ul>\n<li>\u201cGerry rather supposes that the national legislators ought to be sworn to preserve the state constitutions, as they will run the greatest risk to be <strong>annihilated<\/strong>&#8230;.\u201d Farrand, 1:207 (Robert Yates quoting Gerry on June 12)<\/li>\n<li>\u201c&#8230;the present plan&#8230;tends to <strong>annihilate<\/strong> the state-governments.\u201d Farrand, 1:555 (William Paterson quoting Gerry on July 7).<\/li>\n<li>\u201cwhen they [Gerry &amp; Mason] viewed it charged with such powers, as would <strong>destroy<\/strong> all State governments, their own as well as the rest, \u2014 when they saw a president so constituted as to differ from a monarch scarcely but in name, and having it in his power to become such in reality when he pleased; they being republicans and f\u0153deralists, as far as an attachment to their own States would permit them, they warmly and zealously opposed those parts of the system.\u201d Farrand, 3:181 (Martin&#8217;s Genuine Information dated December 28, 1787).<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400; text-align: center;\"><em>Consolidation and terminology<\/em><\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Both Gerry and the Federal Farmer were concerned about the dangers of \u201cconsolidation\u201d of the federal system under the Articles of Confederation into a national government. In his May 30 Convention speech Gerry questioned the Convention\u2019s authority to replace the \u201cfederal\u201d government with a consolidated \u201cnational\u201d government. On July 7 Gerry appears to have sought compromise involving consolidation, short of a \u201cnational plan.\u201d<a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftn28\" name=\"_ftnref28\">[28]<\/a> As described by Gouverneur Morris, \u201cIt had been sd. (by Mr. Gerry) that the new Governt. would be partly national, partly federal.\u201d<a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftn29\" name=\"_ftnref29\">[29]<\/a> Yet, in his October 18 letter to the Massachusetts legislature, Gerry observed that the proposed Constitution had \u201cfew if any <em>federal <\/em>features, but is rather a system of <em>national<\/em> government.\u201d<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Federal Farmer No. 1 likewise tracks Gerry\u2019s thinking. The Federal Farmer distinguished between three different forms of \u201cfree government\u201d: 1) \u201cdistinct republics connected under a federal head,\u201d the existing \u201cfederal plan\u201d under the Articles of Confederation, 2) \u201ccomplete consolidation\u201d as proposed by the Convention, or 3) \u201cpartial consolidation\u201d preferred by the Federal Farmer.<\/p>\n<ul>\n<li>\u201cIt appears to be a plan retaining <em>some federal features<\/em>; but to be the first important step, and to aim strongly to one <strong>consolidated<\/strong> government of the United States.\u201d<\/li>\n<li>\u201cThe plan proposed appears to be <em>partly federal<\/em>, but principally however, calculated ultimately to make the states one <strong>consolidated<\/strong> government\u201d;<\/li>\n<li>\u201cit is clearly designed to make us one <strong>consolidated<\/strong> government&#8221;;<\/li>\n<li>\u201cThe idea of destroying, ultimately, the state government, and forming one <strong>consolidated<\/strong> system could not have been admitted.\u201d<\/li>\n<li>\u201cThe third plan, or partial <strong>consolidation<\/strong>, is, in my opinion, the only one that can secure the freedom and happiness of this people.\u201d<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">As described by Gordon Wood, the \u201cproblem of consolidation and the threatened destruction of the states\u201d was critically important for the Federal Farmer.<a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftn30\" name=\"_ftnref30\">[30]<\/a> The fact that Richard Henry Lee did not express similar concerns was evidence that Lee was not the Federal Farmer. When John Kaminski theorized that Gerry was the Federal Farmer, he similarly pointed to the problem of consolidation: Gerry objected that the Constitution had \u201cfew, if any <em>federal<\/em> features\u201d and the Federal Farmer worried that the Constitution retained \u201csome federal features,\u201d but was the first important step toward \u201cconsolidated government.\u201d<a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftn31\" name=\"_ftnref31\">[31]<\/a><\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The problem of consolidation also implicated an issue of terminology for the Federalists and Antifederalists. Both Gerry and the Federal Farmer agreed with the same Antifederalist definition of the term \u201cFederalist.\u201d They both criticized the way that the Federalists co-opted the term.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Federal Farmer No. 6 discussed terminology as it evolved:<\/p>\n<ul>\n<li>\u201cSome of the advocates are only pretended federalists; in fact they wish for an abolition of the state governments.\u201d<\/li>\n<li>\u201cSome of them I believe to be honest federalists, who wish to preserve <em>substantially<\/em> the state governments united under an efficient federal head\u201d<\/li>\n<li>\u201cSome of the opposers also are only pretended federalists, who want no federal government, or one merely advisory.\u201d<\/li>\n<li>\u201cSome of them are the true federalists, their object, perhaps, more clearly seen, is the same with that of the honest federalists; and some of them, probably, have no distinct object.\u201d<\/li>\n<li>\u201cWe might as well call the advocates and opposers tories and whigs, or any thing else, as federalists and anti-federalists.\u201d<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">In a letter to his friend following the ratification campaign, Gerry summarized that, \u201c[a] federalist I always was, but not in their sense of the word.\u201d<a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftn32\" name=\"_ftnref32\">[32]<\/a> As described by Gerry\u2019s biographer:<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400; padding-left: 40px;\">In the state ratification conventions, Gerry observed that \u201cantifederalists\u201d like him claimed that the new form of government had \u201cconsolidated the Union,\u201d that is created a central government with the power to coerce citizens and states. The term \u201canti-federalist,\u201d Gerry noted, was totally inaccurate; it implied exactly the opposite of what he stood for.<a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftn33\" name=\"_ftnref33\">[33]<\/a><\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">In the First Federal Congress Gerry humorously made the same point. \u201c[T]he federalists were for ratifying the constitution as it stood, and the others not until amendments were made. Their names then ought not to have been distinguished by federalists and antifederalists, but rats and antirats.\u201d Gerry explained that \u201cthose who were called antifederalists at the time complained that they had injustice done them by the title, because they were in favor of a federal government, and the others in favor of a national one.\u201d<a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftn34\" name=\"_ftnref34\">[34]<\/a><\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400; text-align: center;\"><em>Underlying arguments of the Federal Farmer<\/em><\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The goal of Part 6 is to identify evidence that the Federal Farmer\u2019s underlying arguments and reasoning align with Gerry\u2019s positions and objections at the Convention, his October 18<sup>th<\/sup> written objections to the Massachusetts legislature, and speeches during the first Federal Congress. Admittedly, distinguishing between Gerry\u2019s \u201cfingerprints,\u201d \u201cobjections,\u201d and underlying \u201carguments\u201d is necessarily arbitrary. Nevertheless, due to the sheer volume of evidence, these distinctions are useful analytical and organizational tools.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Part 6 builds on the work of <span style=\"color: #000000;\"><a style=\"color: #000000;\" href=\"https:\/\/www.statutesandstories.com\/blog_html\/the-federal-farmers-fingerprints\/\"><strong>Part 5<\/strong><\/a><\/span>, which identified the signature phrases used by Gerry and the Federal Farmer, which are analogous to linguistic fingerprints. The label linguistic fingerprint is applied to relatively unique, signature phrases repeatedly used by Gerry and the Federal Farmer.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">By contrast, a supporting \u201cargument\u201d made by the Federal Farmer would be of less evidentiary value to the extent that other Antifederalists make similar arguments. The category of \u201cunexpected Antifederalist arguments\u201d is viewed as particularly relevant for the FEAT thesis. Part 6 discusses below dozens of supporting \u201carguments\u201d made by the Federal Farmer, but only a handful of \u201cunexpected Antifederalist arguments.\u201d The \u201cunexpected\u201d Antifederalist arguments, or minority Antifederalist views, illustrate the daylight between the Federal Farmer\/Gerry compared to other Antifederalist colleagues.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400; text-align: center;\"><em>Danger of the levellers\/levilling spirit and aristocratic reactionaries<\/em><\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Gerry and Federal Farmer both warned of the danger of the \u201clevellers\u201d\/\u201clevilling spirit.\u201d Gerry was from Massachusetts, the site of Shays\u2019 Rebellion. In his second speech at the Convention Gerry opined that \u201c[t]he evils we experience flow from the excess of democracy.\u201d He was almost certainly referring to Shays\u2019 Rebellion. Gerry indicated that \u201c[t]he people do not want [i.e., lack] virtue; but are the dupes of pretended patriots.\u201d Gerry elaborated that \u201c[i]n Massts. it has been fully confirmed by experience that they are daily misled into the most baneful measures and opinions by the false reports circulated by designing men, and which no one on the spot can refute.\u201d Gerry acknowledged that he had been \u201ctoo republican heretofore: he was still however republican, but had been taught by experience the danger of the <strong>levilling <\/strong>spirit.\u201d <a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftn35\" name=\"_ftnref35\">[35]<\/a><\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The Federal Farmer was also critical of the \u201clevellers.\u201d Federal Farmer No. 5 warned of \u201ctwo fires\u201d set by \u201ctwo very unprincipled parties.\u201d According to the Federal Farmer, \u201c[o]ne party is composed of little insurgents, men in debt, who want no law, and who want a share of the property of others; these are called <strong>levellers<\/strong>, <strong>Shayites<\/strong>, &amp;c.\u201d Providing background, the Federal Farmer explained that, \u201c[i]n 1786, the little insurgents, the <strong>levellers<\/strong>, came forth, invaded the rights of others, and attempted to establish governments according to their wills.\u201d<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">At the other extreme, Federal Farmer No. 1 explained, were men \u201cunfriendly to republican equality.\u201d Federal Farmer No. 5 elaborated that this reactionary, aristocratic party was \u201ccomposed of a few, but more dangerous men, with their servile dependents\u201d who \u201cavariciously grasp at all power and property\u2026.\u201d Based on their \u201cevident dislike to free and equal government,\u201d the Federal Farmer No. 5 warned that this second group \u201cwill go systematically to work to change, essentially, the forms of government in this country; these are called aristocrats, morrisites etc. etc.\u201d<a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftn36\" name=\"_ftnref36\">[36]<\/a> The letters of the Federal Farmer were addressed to the silent majority in the middle. \u201cBetween these two parties is the weight of the community: the men of middling property, men not in debt on the one hand, and men, on the other, content with republican governments, and not aiming at immense fortunes, offices, and power.\u201d<a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftn37\" name=\"_ftnref37\">[37]<\/a><\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400; text-align: center;\"><em>Need to preserve the union \/ \u201ccritical\u201d situation but \u201cno immediate danger\u201d<\/em><\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">During the Convention Gerry recognized the need for action to preserve the union. He feared that the Confederation was \u201cdissolving.\u201d Gerry advised that the \u201cfate of the union will be decided by the Convention.\u201d<a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftn38\" name=\"_ftnref38\">[38]<\/a> The Federal Farmer Nos. 1 and 6 agreed that \u201cour situation is critical.\u201d<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">While the Federal Farmer recognized that the situation was \u201ccritical, \u201che cautioned against acting in haste:<\/p>\n<ul>\n<li>\u201cI know our situation is <strong>critical<\/strong>, and it behoves us to make the best of it.\u201d (FF1)<\/li>\n<li>\u201cIf we remain cool and temperate, we are in no immediate danger of any commotions\u201d (FF1)<\/li>\n<li>The Confederation is \u201cin many respects\u2026inadequate to the exigencies of the union\u201d (FF1)<\/li>\n<li>\u201cI presume the enlightened and substantial part will give any constitution presented for their adoption a candid and thorough examination; and silence those designing or empty men, who weakly and <em>rashly attempt to precipitate the <\/em>adoption of a system of so much importance.\u201d (FF1)<\/li>\n<li>\u201cOur situation is <strong>critical<\/strong>, and we have but our choice of evils \u2014 We may hazard much by adopting the constitution in its present form \u2014 we may hazard more by rejecting it wholly &#8212; we may hazard much by long contending about amendments prior to the adoption. The greatest political evils that can befal us, are discords and civil wars &#8212; the greatest blessings we can wish for, are peace, <strong>union<\/strong>, and industry, under a mild, free, and steady government.\u201d (FF6)<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Gerry shared similar concerns about the fate of the union during and after the Constitutional Convention:<\/p>\n<ul>\n<li>\u201cThe <strong>fate of the Union<\/strong> will be decided by the Convention. If they do not agree on something, few delegates will probably be appointed to Congs. If they do Congs. will probably be kept up till the new System should be adopted. He lamented that instead of coming here like a band of brothers, belonging to the same family, we seemed to have brought with us the spirit of political negotiators.\u201d (Gerry at Convention on 6\/29)<\/li>\n<li>\u201cIf no compromise should take place what will be the consequence. A <strong>secession<\/strong> he foresaw would take place; for some gentlemen seem decided on it: two different plans will be proposed; and the result no man could foresee. If we do not come to some agreement among ourselves some <strong>foreign sword<\/strong> will probably do the work for us.\u201d (Gerry at Convention on 7\/5)<\/li>\n<li>\u201c[At the Convention] I acquiesced in it, being fully convinced that <strong>to preserve the union<\/strong>, an efficient government was indispensibly necessary; and that it would be difficult to make proper amendments to the articles of confederation.\u201d (Gerry&#8217;s letter to Massachusetts legislature dated 18 October 1787)<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400; text-align: center;\"><em>Implicit\u201d adoption v. political \u201cexperiment\u201d<\/em><\/p>\n<p><a href=\"https:\/\/www.statutesandstories.com\/blog_html\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/07\/a-political-experiment.png\"><img loading=\"lazy\" class=\"aligncenter size-full wp-image-17690\" src=\"https:\/\/www.statutesandstories.com\/blog_html\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/07\/a-political-experiment.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"1584\" height=\"278\" srcset=\"https:\/\/www.statutesandstories.com\/blog_html\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/07\/a-political-experiment.png 1584w, https:\/\/www.statutesandstories.com\/blog_html\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/07\/a-political-experiment-300x53.png 300w, https:\/\/www.statutesandstories.com\/blog_html\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/07\/a-political-experiment-1024x180.png 1024w, https:\/\/www.statutesandstories.com\/blog_html\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/07\/a-political-experiment-768x135.png 768w, https:\/\/www.statutesandstories.com\/blog_html\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/07\/a-political-experiment-1536x270.png 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1584px) 100vw, 1584px\" \/><\/a><\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Both Gerry and the Federal Farmer criticized the Federalists for seeking the <em>\u201cimplicit\u201d<\/em> adoption of the Constitution based merely on the names of \u201cincontestible authorities\u201d \/ \u201crespected members\u201d who framed it. Rather, Gerry and the Federal Farmer viewed the Constitution as a political experiment which should not be pushed too far too quickly.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">In his October 18 letter to the Massachusetts legislature Gerry opposed placing \u201cimplicit confidence\u201d in the framers of the Constitution. Gerry observed that however respectable the framers of the Constitution were, even the \u201cgreatest men\u201d were not infallible:<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400; padding-left: 40px;\">It may be urged by some, that <strong>an implicit confidence<\/strong> should be placed in the Convention: But, however <strong>respectable<\/strong> members may be who signed the Constitution, it must be admitted, that a free people are the proper Guardians of their rights &amp; liberties\u2014that the greatest men may err\u2014&amp; that their errors are sometimes, of the greatest magnitude.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The Federal Farmer aligns with Gerry\u2019s thinking and then some. Federal Farmer No. 6 was published in May, more than six months after Gerry\u2019s October 18 letter. During the intervening\u00a0 period, at least one circumstance had changed: Mason, Gerry and Lee had been subjected to \u201cindecent virulence,\u201d as noted by the Federal Farmer who opposed treating the names of the framers as \u201cincontestible authorities for the implicit adoption of the system\u201d:<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400; padding-left: 40px;\">Had the advocates left the constitution, as they ought to have done, to be adopted or rejected on account of its own merits or imperfections, I do not believe the gentlemen who framed it would ever have been even alluded to in the contest by the opposers. Instead of this, the ardent advocates begun by quoting names as <strong>incontestible authorities for the implicit adoption of the system<\/strong>, without any examination\u2014treated all who opposed it as friends of anarchy; and with an indecent virulence addressed M\u2014n G\u2014y, L\u2014e, and almost every man of weight they could find in the opposition by name.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">To the contrary, both Gerry and the Federal Farmer suggested that the Constitution ought to be treated as an \u201cuntried\u201d \u201cmere experiment\u201d in government and thus the saftest course was to proceed \u201ccautiously\u201d:<\/p>\n<ul>\n<li>\u201cBut it is asked how shall we remedy the evil, so as to complete and perpetuate the temple of equal laws and equal liberty? Perhaps we never can do it. Possibly we never may be able to do it in this immense country, under any one system of laws however modified: nevertheless, at present, I think the <strong>experiment<\/strong> worth a making. I feel an aversion to the disunion of the states, and to separate confederacies: the states have fought and bled in a common cause, and great dangers too may attend these confederacies. I think the system proposed capable of very considerable degrees of perfection, if we pursue first principles.\u201d (FF9)<\/li>\n<li>\u201cThe system proposed is <strong>untried<\/strong>: candid advocates and opposers admit, that it is, in a degree, a <strong>mere<\/strong> <strong>experiment<\/strong>, and that its organization is weak and imperfect: surely then, the safe ground is cautiously to vest power in it, and when we are sure we have given enough for ordinary exigencies, to be extremely careful how we delegate powers, which, in common cases, must necessarily be useless or abused, and of very uncertain effect in uncommon ones.\u201d (FF17)<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Gerry\u2019s speeches during the Convention and subsequent correspondence as a member of Congress fully align with the Federal Farmer\u2019s admonition to proceed cautiously with the national political experiment:<\/p>\n<ul>\n<li>\u201cMr. Gerry favored it. The novelty &amp; difficulty of the <strong>experiment<\/strong> requires periodical revision.\u201d (June 5)<a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftn39\" name=\"_ftnref39\">[39]<\/a><\/li>\n<li>\u201cMr. Gerry: Let us at once destroy the State Govts have an Executive for life or hereditary, and a proper Senate, and then there would be some consistency in giving full powers to the Genl Govt. but as the States are not to be abolished, he wondered at the attempts that were made to give powers inconsistent with their existence. He <strong>warned the Convention agst pushing the experiment too far<\/strong>. Some people will support a plan of vigorous Government at every risk. Others of a more democratic cast will oppose it with equal determination. And a Civil war may be produced by the conflict.\u201d<a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftn40\" name=\"_ftnref40\">[40]<\/a> (Aug 23)<\/li>\n<li>\u201cWhether the present constitution will preserve its theoretical balance, for I consider it altogether as <strong>a political experiment<\/strong>, if it should, what will be the effect, or if it should not, to what system it will verge, are secrets that <strong>can only be unfolded by tim<\/strong>e: as to the amendments proposed by Congress, they will not affect those questions or serve any other purposes than to reconcile those who had no adequate idea of the essential defects of the Constitution.\u201d<a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftn41\" name=\"_ftnref41\">[41]<\/a><\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\"><em>Alignment of Gerry\u2019s substantive positions during the Convention and the Federal Farmer<\/em><\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The substantive positions taken by Gerry during the Constitutional Convention fully align with the arguments made by the Federal Farmer. The preceding discussion involved procedural or background views by Gerry and the Federal Farmer (the \u201ccritical\u201d situation, concern about the Levellers, the need for experimentation and caution). The following discussion involves the substantive arguments made by Gerry and the Federal Farmer. The FEAT Thesis argues that the lack of daylight between Gerry\u2019s positions during the Convention and the letters of the Federal Farmer is strong attribution evidence. Kaminski made this observation in 1988.<a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftn42\" name=\"_ftnref42\">[42]<\/a> All of Gerry\u2019s oral \u201cobjections\u201d on September 12 and written objections of October 18 fully align with the positions of the Federal Farmer.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"https:\/\/www.statutesandstories.com\/blog_html\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/07\/Screenshot-2025-08-01-at-2.35.37\u202fPM.png\"><img loading=\"lazy\" class=\"aligncenter size-full wp-image-17698\" src=\"https:\/\/www.statutesandstories.com\/blog_html\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/07\/Screenshot-2025-08-01-at-2.35.37\u202fPM.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"1764\" height=\"1210\" srcset=\"https:\/\/www.statutesandstories.com\/blog_html\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/07\/Screenshot-2025-08-01-at-2.35.37\u202fPM.png 1764w, https:\/\/www.statutesandstories.com\/blog_html\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/07\/Screenshot-2025-08-01-at-2.35.37\u202fPM-300x206.png 300w, https:\/\/www.statutesandstories.com\/blog_html\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/07\/Screenshot-2025-08-01-at-2.35.37\u202fPM-1024x702.png 1024w, https:\/\/www.statutesandstories.com\/blog_html\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/07\/Screenshot-2025-08-01-at-2.35.37\u202fPM-768x527.png 768w, https:\/\/www.statutesandstories.com\/blog_html\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/07\/Screenshot-2025-08-01-at-2.35.37\u202fPM-1536x1054.png 1536w, https:\/\/www.statutesandstories.com\/blog_html\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/07\/Screenshot-2025-08-01-at-2.35.37\u202fPM-1600x1098.png 1600w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1764px) 100vw, 1764px\" \/><\/a><\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Copied below are Gerry\u2019s objections raised on September 15 at the Convention, which all align with the positions of the Federal Farmer. Click <strong>here<\/strong> (pending) for a link to a spreadsheet identifying all of Gerry\u2019s September 15 objections, with cross references to the Federal Farmer letters and Gerry\u2019s speeches at the Convention:<\/p>\n<table style=\"font-weight: 400;\" width=\"353\">\n<tbody>\n<tr>\n<td width=\"353\"><strong>Gerry&#8217;s 9\/15\/1787 Objections to Convention<\/strong><\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr>\n<td width=\"353\">1. the duration and re-eligibilty of the Senate<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr>\n<td width=\"353\">2. the power of the House of Representatives to\u00a0conceal\u00a0their journals<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr>\n<td width=\"353\">3. the power of Congress over the places of election<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr>\n<td width=\"353\">4. the unlimited power of Congress over their own compensations<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr>\n<td width=\"353\">5. Massachusetts has not a due share of Representatives allotted to her<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr>\n<td width=\"353\">6. 3\/5 of the Blacks are to be represented as if they were freemen<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr>\n<td width=\"353\">7. Under the power over commerce, monopolies may be established<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr>\n<td width=\"353\">8. the vice president being made head of the Senate<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr>\n<td width=\"353\">He could however he said get over all these, if the rights of the Citizens were not rendered insecure by:<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr>\n<td width=\"353\">1. the general power of the Legislature to make what laws they may please to call necessary and proper<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr>\n<td width=\"353\">2. raise armies and money without limit<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr>\n<td width=\"353\">3. to establish a tribunal without juries, which will be a Star-chamber as to Civil cases.<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<\/tbody>\n<\/table>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Copied below are Gerry\u2019s October 18 objections to the Massachusetts legislature, which all align with the Federal Farmer. Click <strong>here<\/strong> (pending) for a link to a spreadsheet identifying all of Gerry\u2019s written objections on October 18, with cross references to the Federal Farmer letters and Gerry\u2019s speeches at the Convention:<\/p>\n<table style=\"font-weight: 400;\" width=\"353\">\n<tbody>\n<tr>\n<td width=\"353\"><strong>Gerry&#8217;s 10\/18\/1787 Objections to MA Legislature<\/strong><\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr>\n<td width=\"353\">\u201cliberties of America were not secured\u201d<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr>\n<td width=\"353\">\u201cno adequate provision for a representation of the people\u201d<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr>\n<td width=\"353\">\u201cno security for the right of election\u201d<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr>\n<td width=\"353\">\u201csome of the powers of the Legislature are ambiguous, and other indefinite and dangerous\u201d<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr>\n<td width=\"353\">\u201cthe Executive is blended with and will have undue influence over the Legislature\u201d<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr>\n<td width=\"353\">\u201cthe judicial department will be oppressive\u201d<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr>\n<td width=\"353\">treaties can be formed with 2\/3 &#8220;of a quorum&#8221; of the Senate<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr>\n<td width=\"353\">\u201cthe system is without the security of a bill of rights\u201d<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr>\n<td width=\"353\">The Constitution \u201chas few if any federal features, but is rather a system of national government\u201d<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<\/tbody>\n<\/table>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">In addition to Gerry\u2019s formal objections above, the following list enumerates Gerry\u2019s underlying positions at the Constitutional Convention. As set forth below, Gerry\u2019s positions and substantive arguments at the Convention align with the positions of the Federal Farmer:<\/p>\n<ul>\n<li>Gerry<a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftn43\" name=\"_ftnref43\">[43]<\/a> and the Federal Farmer<a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftn44\" name=\"_ftnref44\">[44]<\/a> supported \u201cper capita\u201d voting in the Senate.<\/li>\n<li>Gerry<a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftn45\" name=\"_ftnref45\">[45]<\/a> and the Federal Farmer<a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftn46\" name=\"_ftnref46\">[46]<\/a> wanted to protect the right of trial by jury.<\/li>\n<li>Gerry<a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftn47\" name=\"_ftnref47\">[47]<\/a> and the Federal Farmer<a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftn48\" name=\"_ftnref48\">[48]<\/a> were critical of standing armies.<a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftn49\" name=\"_ftnref49\">[49]<\/a><\/li>\n<li>Gerry<a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftn50\" name=\"_ftnref50\">[50]<\/a> and the Federal Farmer<a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftn51\" name=\"_ftnref51\">[51]<\/a> believed in military subordination civilian authority.<\/li>\n<li>Gerry<a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftn52\" name=\"_ftnref52\">[52]<\/a> and the Federal Farmer<a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftn53\" name=\"_ftnref53\">[53]<\/a> wanted the House to solely hold the purse strings.<\/li>\n<li>Gerry<a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftn54\" name=\"_ftnref54\">[54]<\/a> and the Federal Farmer<a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftn55\" name=\"_ftnref55\">[55]<\/a> supported the prohibition on bills of attainder and ex post facto laws.<\/li>\n<li>Gerry<a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftn56\" name=\"_ftnref56\">[56]<\/a> and the Federal Farmer<a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftn57\" name=\"_ftnref57\">[57]<\/a> supported letters of marque and reprisal.<\/li>\n<li>Gerry<a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftn58\" name=\"_ftnref58\">[58]<\/a> and the Federal Farmer<a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftn59\" name=\"_ftnref59\">[59]<\/a> disagreed with the re-eligibility of the President for re-election.<\/li>\n<li>Gerry<a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftn60\" name=\"_ftnref60\">[60]<\/a> and the Federal Farmer<a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftn61\" name=\"_ftnref61\">[61]<\/a> favored impeachment.<\/li>\n<li>Gerry<a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftn62\" name=\"_ftnref62\">[62]<\/a> and the Federal Farmer<a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftn63\" name=\"_ftnref63\">[63]<\/a> wanted oaths to be taken to the system as a whole, not merely the new federal government.<\/li>\n<li>Gerry<a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftn64\" name=\"_ftnref64\">[64]<\/a> and the Federal Farmer<a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftn65\" name=\"_ftnref65\">[65]<\/a> were worried about the lack of constitutional limits on the Senate&#8217;s treaty-making power.<\/li>\n<li>Gerry<a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftn66\" name=\"_ftnref66\">[66]<\/a> and the Federal Farmer<a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftn67\" name=\"_ftnref67\">[67]<\/a> preferred the creation of an Executive Council.<\/li>\n<li>Gerry<a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftn68\" name=\"_ftnref68\">[68]<\/a> and the Federal Farmer<a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftn69\" name=\"_ftnref69\">[69]<\/a> expressed anti-slavery views.<\/li>\n<li>Gerry<a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftn70\" name=\"_ftnref70\">[70]<\/a> and the Federal Farmer<a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftn71\" name=\"_ftnref71\">[71]<\/a> argued that unanimity should be required to amend the Articles.<\/li>\n<li>Gerry<a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftn72\" name=\"_ftnref72\">[72]<\/a> and the Federal Farmer<a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftn73\" name=\"_ftnref73\">[73]<\/a> were distrustful of hereditary honors and the Cincinnati.<em style=\"font-size: inherit;\">\u00a0<\/em><\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400; text-align: center;\"><em>Unexpected Antifederalist arguments<\/em><\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">While the arguments by the Federal Farmer were generally embraced by other Antifederalists, this was not always the case. Instances where Gerry and the Federal Farmer diverged from other Antifederalists are particularly instructive. Examples of daylight between the Federal Farmer\/Gerry and other Antifederalists, include support for per capita voting in the Senate, support for equal state representation in the Senate (which was generally only favored by Antifederalists from small states), and relative moderation by the Federal Farmer\/Gerry compared to other Antifederalists. Moreover, both Gerry and the Federal Farmer supported ratification with amendments rather than outright rejection of the Constitution and\/or a second convention.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400; text-align: center;\"><em>Senate design &amp; per capita voting<\/em><\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Unlike other Antifederalists, the Federal Farmer did not criticize per capita voting in the Senate. Indeed, allowing Senators to vote individually was proposed by Gerry during the Constitutional Convention. Based on his experience in the Confederation Congress, Gerry reasoned that individual voting in the Senate would \u201cprevent delays\u201d and would facilitate a national spirit to the Senate. Madison\u2019s Convention notes on July 14 indicate that Gerry \u201cfavored the reconsideration with a view not of destroying the equality of votes; but of providing that the States should vote per capita, which he said would prevent the delays &amp; inconveniences that had been experienced in Congs. and would give a national aspect &amp; Spirit to the management of business.\u201d Sherman \u201chad no objection to the members in the 2d b. voting per capita, as had been suggested by (Mr. Gerry).\u201d <a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftn74\" name=\"_ftnref74\">[74]<\/a><\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Federal Farmer No. 11 described the design of the Senate, but did not criticize individual voting or the equal representation of all states pursuant to the \u201cGreat Compromise\u201d:<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400; padding-left: 40px;\">The senate is an assembly of 26 members, two from each state, though the senators are apportioned on the federal plan, they will <strong>vote individually<\/strong>: they represent the states, as bodies politic, sovereign to certain purposes: the states being sovereign and independent, are all considered equal, each with the other in the senate. In this we are governed solely by the ideal equalities of sovereignties: the federal and state governments forming one whole, and the state governments an essential part. which ought always to be kept distinctly in view, and preserved: <strong>I feel more disposed, on reflection, to acquiesce in making them the basis of the senate,<\/strong> and thereby to make it the interest and duty of the senators to preserve distinct, and to perpetuate the respective sovereignties they shall represent.<\/p>\n<p>It is noteworthy that Gerry chaired the first Committee of Eleven during the Convention that grappled with the bitterly contested issue of representation. As such he fully understood how difficult it was for the Convention (and his committee) to resolve this matter. Seeking compromise, Gerry reported that the issue of Senate representation was &#8220;so serious as to threaten dissolution of the Convention.&#8221; Moreover, Gerry admitted that he had &#8220;very material objections&#8221; to his own committee&#8217;s report, but reasoned that, &#8220;if we do not come to some agreement among ourselves some foreign sword will probably do the work for us.&#8221; <a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftn75\" name=\"_ftnref75\">[75]<\/a><\/p>\n<p>Arguably Gerry helped save the Constitutional Convention from collapse &#8211; twice. According to Billias:<\/p>\n<p style=\"padding-left: 40px;\">Gerry had helped to save the Convention from possible disaster twice within two weeks. First, his committee had prepared the compromise itself. Secondly, his personal vote along with that of Strong prevented Massachusetts from rejecting the report. Gerry and Strong voted yea, and King and Gorham nay. With the Massachusetts delegation divided, its vote did not count. If Massachusetts had voted in the negative, the report would not have been accepted. It is entirely possible that the Convention might have collapsed at this stage.<a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftn75\" name=\"_ftnref75\">[76]<\/a><\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The Federal Farmer\u2019s position on the design of the Senate and per capita voting by Senators put him at odds with other Antifederalists. This is thus an example of an unexpected\/minority Antifederalist position by the Federal Farmer which aligns with Gerry. For example, both Luther Martin and the Antifederalist writer, \u201cA Countryman from Duchess County\u201d (Hugh Hughes), took issue with per capita voting in the Senate. According to Martin, per capita voting departed \u201cfrom the idea of the <em>States<\/em> being represented in the 2d. branch.\u201d<a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftn75\" name=\"_ftnref75\">[77]<\/a><\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">In general, A Countryman praised the Federal Farmer. A Countryman No. VI observed that, \u201c[t]hough I can not subscribe to the whole of the Foederal Farmer; yet, I think he has great merit, and well deserves the thanks of his country.\u201d Contrasting the present confederation with a \u201cplan of consolidation,\u201d A Countryman VI argued that per capita voting in the Senate undermined the confederation. According to A Countryman VI, \u201c\u2026the present confederation, which is a union of the states, not a consolidation,\u00a0<em>all the delegates<\/em>, from a state, have but one vote, and in the state senate, which is on the plan of consolidation,\u00a0<em>each<\/em>\u00a0senator has a vote.\u201d Expositor II made the same point, that the design of the Senate promoted consolidation at the expense of the confederation.<a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftn76\" name=\"_ftnref76\">[78]<\/a><\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The well-respected Antifederalist Brutus often aligned with the Federal Farmer. Yet, Brutus III disagreed with state equality in the Senate. As was common for large-state Antifederalists, Brutus argued that representation in the Senate should be based on population, according to \u201cevery principle of equality and propriety\u201d:<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400; padding-left: 40px;\">\u201cOn every principle of equality, and propriety, representation in a government should be in exact proportion to the numbers, or the aids afford by the persons represented. How unreasonable, and unjust then is it, that Delaware should have a representation in the senate, equal to Massachusetts, or Virginia? The latter of which contains ten times her numbers, and is to contribute to the aid of the general government in that proportion?\u00a0\u201d<a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftn77\" name=\"_ftnref77\">[79]<\/a><\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The Federal Farmer\u2019s unexpected Antifederalist positions on equal representation in the Senate and per capita voting by Senators are particularly useful attribution evidence which aligns with Elbridge Gerry, while excluding more ardent Antifederalists.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400; text-align: center;\"><em>Duty of good citizens to acquiesce<\/em><\/p>\n<p><a href=\"https:\/\/www.statutesandstories.com\/blog_html\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/07\/my-duty.png\"><img loading=\"lazy\" class=\"aligncenter size-full wp-image-17636\" src=\"https:\/\/www.statutesandstories.com\/blog_html\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/07\/my-duty.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"846\" height=\"274\" srcset=\"https:\/\/www.statutesandstories.com\/blog_html\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/07\/my-duty.png 846w, https:\/\/www.statutesandstories.com\/blog_html\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/07\/my-duty-300x97.png 300w, https:\/\/www.statutesandstories.com\/blog_html\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/07\/my-duty-768x249.png 768w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 846px) 100vw, 846px\" \/><\/a><\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">As previously discussed, the Federal Farmer is universally characterized as a moderate Antifederalist. Among other things, ardent Antifederalists disagreed with the Federal Farmer\u2019s willingness to abide by the result of the state ratification conventions. Federal Farmer No. 3 wrote that, \u201cI wish the system adopted with a few alterations; but those, in my mind, are essential ones; if adopted without, <em>every good citizen will acquiesce.<\/em>\u201d Federal Farmer No. 5 acknowledged that \u201c[t]here are, however, in my opinion, <em>many good things<\/em> in the proposed system.\u201d Federal Farmer No. 6 admitted that after \u201ccarefully examining them on both sides\u201d the proposed Constitution was, \u201call circumstances considered, <em>a better basis to build upon than the confederation<\/em>.\u201d While advocating for amendments, Federal Farmer No. 5 conceded that, \u201c[i]f these conventions, after examining the system, adopt it. <em>I shall be perfectly satisfied,<\/em> and wish to see men make the administration of the government an equal blessing to all orders of men.\u201d<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">These statements perfectly align with Gerry\u2019s October 18 letter to the Massachusetts legislature:<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400; padding-left: 40px;\">I shall think it <em>my duty as a citizen of Massachusetts to support that which shall be finally adopted<\/em>, sincerely hoping it will secure the liberty and happiness of America\u2026If those who are in favour of the Constitution, as well as those who are against it, should preserve moderation, their discussions may afford much information and finally direct to an happy issue.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The Antifederalists, A Countryman VI, took issue with the willingness of the Federal Farmer to acquiesce:<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400; padding-left: 40px;\">Now, if this be truly the gentleman\u2019s meaning, and I can not, as I said above, at present, fairly put any other on it\u2014I must deny his position. Nay, does not he, himself, tacitly deny it. when he says, that the alterations which he wished made \u2018\u2018are essential ones?\u201d For, if they are really essential, according to the true sense of the word, will it not be rather difficult to prove, that it is the duty of a good citizen to acquiesce, in the manner represented, in what is essentially wrong?<a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftn78\" name=\"_ftnref78\">[80]<\/a><\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">A Countryman No. VI replied that it was \u201can indispensable duty of every good citizen, good and bad, <em>not to acquiesce<\/em>\u2026\u201d Similarly, A Countryman disagreed that state legislatures should abide by the Constitutional Convention\u2019s request for state ratification conventions. For example, A Countryman No. I wanted to treat the proposed Constitution as a nullity: \u201cPerhaps you may next enquire what can be done?\u2014If you should, I will tell you, on Condition that you pardon the Anticipation, the Legislature may, and with the greatest Propriety, as its Delegate has exceeded his Powers, or rejected them, consider all that he has done as a <em>Nullity<\/em>.\u2014 Would not this be a useful Lesson for Usurpers?\u201d A Countryman No. IV emphasized that, \u201c<em>I cannot admit to be binding on the legislature<\/em>, in any manner whatever, even had the late convention really offered a good constitution.\u201d<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">While Brutus was not as extreme as A Countryman, Brutus and other more ardent Antifederalists argued that the proposed Constitution was fundamentally defective. As will be discussed in <strong>Part 8 (pending)<\/strong>, this is useful evidence that Melancton Smith was not the author of the Federal Farmer. While the Federal Farmer and Gerry advocated for amendments, they nevertheless deferred to the judgment of state ratification conventions. By contrast, Brutus I (Melancton Smith) argued that the proposed Constitution should be rejected outright:<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400; padding-left: 40px;\">Though I am of opinion, that it is a sufficient objection to this government, to <strong>reject it<\/strong>, that it creates the whole union into one government, [un]der the form of a republic, yet if this objection was obviated, there are exceptions to it, which are so material and fundamental, that they ought to determine every man, who is a friend to the liberty and happiness of mankind, not to adopt it. \u27e8 beg the candid and dispassionate attention of my countrymen while I state these objections\u2014they are such as have obtruded themselves upon my mind upon a careful attention to the matter, and such as I sincerely believe are well founded. There are many objections, of small moment, of which I shall take no notice\u2014perfection is not to be expected in any thing that is the production of man\u2014and if I did not in my conscience believe that this scheme was <strong>defective in the fundamental principles<\/strong>\u2014in the foundation upon which a free and equal government must rest\u2014I would hold my peace.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">As described by Pauline Maier, \u201c<em>Brutus<\/em> found the Constitution flawed in its \u2018fundamental principles\u2019 and advocated its rejection, while the <em>Federal Farmer <\/em>said the proposed Constitution included \u2018many good things\u2019 as well as \u2018many important defects,\u2019 and that \u2018with several alternations\u2019 it could create \u2018a tolerably good\u2019 federal system.\u201d During the New York ratification convention, Melancton Smith moved for conditional ratification, including the stipulation that New York could withdraw from the Union if Congress did not call a second convention. At no time, however, did the Federal Farmer advocate for such measures. Moreover, Smith&#8217;s motions and conciliation only occurred after news arrived that Virginia had ratified.<a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftn79\" name=\"_ftnref79\">[81]<\/a><\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\"><span style=\"font-size: inherit;\">It is also useful to compare the Federal Farmer\u2019s conciliatory position with A Columbian Patriot, who boldly issued a call for a new general convention <\/span><em style=\"font-size: inherit;\">after<\/em><span style=\"font-size: inherit;\"> Massachusetts voted to ratify.<\/span><a style=\"font-size: inherit;\" href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftn80\" name=\"_ftnref80\">[82]<\/a><span style=\"font-size: inherit;\"> In an ironic twist of fate, many of his contemporaries wrongly assumed that Gerry was the author of A Columbian Patriot, which was written by Gerry\u2019s friend, Mercy Otis Warren.<\/span><a style=\"font-size: inherit;\" href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftn81\" name=\"_ftnref81\">[83]<\/a><\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400; text-align: center;\"><em>Miscellaneous Attribution Arguments<\/em><\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Set forth below are a handful of additional attribution arguments which admittedly are only marginally helpful. Nevertheless, the FEAT thesis argues that the sum total of attribution evidence is overwhelming when aggregated together. Moreover, Statutesandstories.com is unable to identify any other Antifederalists who come anywhere close to the alignment between Gerry and the Federal Farmer.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"https:\/\/www.statutesandstories.com\/blog_html\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/07\/Our-mutual-friend-Mr-Gerry-crop-copy-1.jpg\"><img loading=\"lazy\" class=\"aligncenter size-full wp-image-17693\" src=\"https:\/\/www.statutesandstories.com\/blog_html\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/07\/Our-mutual-friend-Mr-Gerry-crop-copy-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1280\" height=\"128\" srcset=\"https:\/\/www.statutesandstories.com\/blog_html\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/07\/Our-mutual-friend-Mr-Gerry-crop-copy-1.jpg 1280w, https:\/\/www.statutesandstories.com\/blog_html\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/07\/Our-mutual-friend-Mr-Gerry-crop-copy-1-300x30.jpg 300w, https:\/\/www.statutesandstories.com\/blog_html\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/07\/Our-mutual-friend-Mr-Gerry-crop-copy-1-1024x102.jpg 1024w, https:\/\/www.statutesandstories.com\/blog_html\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/07\/Our-mutual-friend-Mr-Gerry-crop-copy-1-768x77.jpg 768w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1280px) 100vw, 1280px\" \/><\/a><\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Following the Constitutional Convention, while residing in New York City, Gerry served as a temporary bridge between prominent Antifederalists. In particular, while Congress was meeting in New York, Gerry served as a nexus between Samuel Adams, Richard Henry Lee and other Antifederalists. According to Billias, \u201cGerry helped Antifederalist leaders keep in contact with one another.\u201d<a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftn82\" name=\"_ftnref82\">[84]<\/a> Serving in this role Gerry would have had access to the best arguments being formulated by his Antifederalist colleagues.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Both Gerry and the Federal Farmer used the metaphor that the country was like a patient\/man \u201crecovering from\u201d an acute disease\/sickness. Gerry wrote to Governor Hancock that \u201cthe body politic, after the late ferment, is not unlike a <em>patient recovering from an acute disease<\/em>, the feeling of both being so exceedingly delicate&#8230;any office to me would be extremely painful.\u201d<a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftn83\" name=\"_ftnref83\">[85]<\/a> This aligns with Federal Farmer No. 17 who wrote that \u201c[o]ur people are like a <em>man just recovering from a severe fit of sickness<\/em>. It was the war that disturbed the course of commerce, introduced floods of paper money, the stagnation of credit, and threw many valuable men out of steady business.\u201d<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Both Gerry and the Federal Farmer tapped into a wealth of experience, which they wanted to use as a guide. Federal Farmer No. 9 knew \u201cby experience\u201d<a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftn84\" name=\"_ftnref84\">[86]<\/a> that only two-thirds of the members of representative bodies regularly attend:<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400; padding-left: 40px;\"><strong>We find by experience,<\/strong> that about two-thirds of the members of representative assemblies usually attend; therefore, of the representation proposed by the convention, about forty-five members probably will attend, doubling their number, about 90 will probably attend: their pay, in one case, at four dollars a day each (which is putting it high enough) will amount to, yearly, 21,600 dollars; in the other case, 43,200 dollars.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">This was a Gerry-esque statement, as Gerry had ample experience as a member of the Continental and Confederation Congresses. He was also experienced in state politics in Massachusetts. As described by Georgia delegate William Pierce in 1787, Gerry \u201chad political experience at both the state and national levels,\u201d which gave him \u201ca great degree of confidence.\u201d<a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftn85\" name=\"_ftnref85\">[87]<\/a> During his first week at the Convention, Gerry argued that \u201c[i]n Massts. It has been fully confirmed by experience that they [the people] are daily misled into the most baneful measures and opinions by the false reports circulated by designing men, and which no one on the spot can refute.\u201d<a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftn86\" name=\"_ftnref86\">[88]<\/a><\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">As discussed in <span style=\"color: #000000;\"><a style=\"color: #000000;\" href=\"https:\/\/www.statutesandstories.com\/blog_html\/mystery-solved-antifederalist-elbridge-gerry-was-the-federal-farmer-2\/\"><strong>Part 4<\/strong><\/a><\/span>, a central focus for both Gerry and the Federal Farmer was securing an adequate \u201crepresentation of the people.\u201d Gerry argued on July 10 for expanding representation in the House as follows:<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400; padding-left: 40px;\">Mr. Gerry was for increasing the number beyond 65. The larger the number the less the danger of their being corrupted. The people are accustomed to &amp; fond of a numerous representation, and will consider their rights as better secured by it. The danger of excess in the number may be guarded agst. by fixing a point within which the number shall always be kept.\u201d<a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftn87\" name=\"_ftnref87\">[89]<\/a><\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The Massachusetts House had 400 members, compared to the Virginia House of Delegates with 150 members and the Rhode Island Assembly of 70. The Massachusetts House met annually and was more democratic than other states.<a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftn88\" name=\"_ftnref88\">[90]<\/a>Gerry explained that the people are accustomed to a numerous representation. In fact, representation was the first issue debated at the Massachusetts ratification convention on January 14.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">As was common during the ratification debate, both Gerry and the Federal Farmer quoted many of the same authors, Alexander Pope, Montesquieu and Beccaria. While other pamphleteers (including Federalist No. 68), quoted Pope, Federal Farmer No. 1 was the first to do so.<a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftn89\" name=\"_ftnref89\">[91]<\/a> The Federal Farmer repeatedly quoted Montesquieu.<a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftn90\" name=\"_ftnref90\">[92]<\/a> Gerry&#8217;s personal library at the time of his death included copies of Montesquieu, Rousseau and Voltaire.<a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftn91\" name=\"_ftnref91\">[93] <\/a>As will be discussed in <b>Part 8 (pending)<\/b>, Melancton Smith quoted Beccaria during the New York ratification convention. Yet, this is not by itself convincing attribution evidence, as the letters of the Federal Farmer were published <i>prior to <\/i>the New York Ratification Convention.<a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftn92\" name=\"_ftnref92\">[94]<\/a><\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">In March of 1788 Rufus King assumed that \u201cE.G. has come out as a Columbia Patriot.\u201d<a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftn92\" name=\"_ftnref92\">[95]<\/a> For many years historians likewise attributed the Columbian Patriot to Gerry. This reflects the fact that it was reasonable to expect that Gerry would write pseudonymously. Having worked closely with Gerry for many years, King knew Gerry well. King was correct that Gerry wrote under a pseudonym, but King was wrong as to which pseudonym.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">In 1976 Gerry&#8217;s biographer, George A. Billias, noted the similarities between Gerry and the Federal Farmer.<a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftn93\" name=\"_ftnref93\">[96] <\/a>While Billias did not stake out the claim that Gerry was the Federal Farmer, Billias did not have access to Kaminski\u2019s attribution<a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftn94\" name=\"_ftnref94\">[97]<\/a> when he wrote his Gerry biography:<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400; padding-left: 40px;\">Lee\u2019s arguments against the Constitution were set forth in the famous essays Letters of the Federal Farmer, which were attributed to him \u2014 though their authorship is somewhat doubtful. Many of Lee\u2019s objections were similar to Gerry\u2019s: the Constitution lacked a bill of rights; it provided for a \u201cconsolidated\u201d rather than federal government; the lower house was not sufficiently democratic; and the Convention originally called to amend the Articles had exceeded its powers. But Lee, like Mason, was more extreme than Gerry; he kept insisting upon amendments to the Constitution, before, rather than after, its adoption. Lee, in fact, led an unsuccessful move within the Confederation Congress to amend the Constitution before the document was even referred to the states for ratification.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">This post continues in <a href=\"https:\/\/www.statutesandstories.com\/blog_html\/federal-farmer-in-congress\/\"><strong><span style=\"color: #000000;\">Part 7<\/span><\/strong><\/a>\u00a0with a discussion of \u201cGerry\u2019s endgame,\u201d the adoption of constitutional amendments. Neither Gerry nor the Federal Farmer wanted to rush the adoption of constitutional amendments. Rather, as a member of the First Federal Congress Gerry supported the adoption of essential legislation necessary to establish a working federal government, before proceeding with a robust and transparent amendment process. The content of Gerry\u2019s speeches during the First Federal Congress further illustrates Gerry\u2019s identity as the Federal Farmer.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400; text-align: center;\">Endnotes<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftnref1\" name=\"_ftn1\">[1]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Expecting strong Antifederalist opposition in New York and Virginia, both states purposefully delayed their ratification conventions until the summer of 1788. Uncertain about the outcome, Antifederalists agreed to delay the Virginia and New York conventions in the hope that opposition would build in other states. Clinton Rossiter, <em>1787: The Grand Convention<\/em> (Macmillian, 1966), 293; Michael Klarman, <em>Framers\u2019 Coup: The Making of the United States Constitution<\/em> (Oxford University Press, 2016),458.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftnref2\" name=\"_ftn2\">[2]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 The New York ratification convention was held in Poughkeepsie, away from the Federalist stronghold in New York City. The convention began on June 17 and voted to ratify on July 26, following Virginia\u2019s ratification on June 25<sup>th<\/sup>. <a href=\"https:\/\/csac.history.wisc.edu\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/281\/2024\/05\/DC9_Ratification-at-a-Glance-Table-v2.pdf\">https:\/\/csac.history.wisc.edu\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/281\/2024\/05\/DC9_Ratification-at-a-Glance-Table-v2.pdf<\/a><\/p>\n<p><a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftnref3\" name=\"_ftn3\">[3]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 The advertisements appeared daily in the Thomas Greenleaf\u2019s <em>New York Journal<\/em> until July 26 and semiweekly in Samuel and John Loudon\u2019s <em>New York Packet <\/em>until June 13<em>. <\/em>DHRC, 20:976.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftnref4\" name=\"_ftn4\">[4]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 According to Henry Jackson, a Boston merchant, Gerry\u2019s \u201cinfamous\u201d October 18 letter \u201chas done more injury to this Country . . . than he will be able to make atonement in his whole life &amp; by act he has <em>damn\u2019d<\/em> himself in the Opinion of every liberal judicious &amp; Federal Man in the Community . . .\u00a0damn him\u2013damn him\u201d \u2013 everything look\u2019d well and had the most favorable appearance in this State, previous to this, and now I have my doubt \u2013 this measure will either <em>sink<\/em> <em>him<\/em>(where he ought to be) or place him at the head of a party of this Commonwealth who are in opposition to all good government &#8211; I cannot leave him without once more <em>damn\u2019g<\/em> <em>him<\/em>&#8230;.\u201d\u00a0 Jackson to Henry Knox, 5 November 1787. DHRC, 4:193.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftnref5\" name=\"_ftn5\">[5]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 DHRC, 29:1277.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftnref6\" name=\"_ftn6\">[6]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 A Plebeian was likely Melancton Smith. DHRC, 19:lxvi; 20:942.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftnref7\" name=\"_ftn7\">[7]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Robert Allen Rutland, <em>The Ordeal of the Constitution: The Antifederalists and the Ratification Struggle of 1787-1788<\/em> (1966), 43.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftnref8\" name=\"_ftn8\">[8]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Federal Farmer No. 5.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftnref9\" name=\"_ftn9\">[9]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 For example, Madison\u2019s notes on June 12 quote Gerry as follows:<\/p>\n<p>\u201cMr. Gerry. The people of New England will never give up the point of annual elections, they know of the transition made in England from triennial to Septennial elections, and will consider such an innovation here as the prelude to a like usurpation.\u201d Farrand, 1:214. Additionally, Gerry\u2019s first objection on September 15<sup>th<\/sup> at the Convention took issue with the \u201cthe duration and re-eligibilty of the Senate.\u201d DHRC, 4:xliii.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftnref10\" name=\"_ftn10\">[10]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 For example, some printers initially refused to publish pseudonymous essays unless the author provided their name to the printer, to be disclosed upon request. <em>The Essential Debate<\/em>, 465.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftnref11\" name=\"_ftn11\">[11]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 John P. Kaminski, \u201cThe Role of Newspapers in New York\u2019s Debate Over the Federal Constitution,\u201d in Stephen L. Schechter and Richard B. Bernstein, eds., <em>New York and the Union<\/em> (Albany, 1990), 287.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftnref12\" name=\"_ftn12\">[12]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Congressional Register, June 10.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftnref13\" name=\"_ftn13\">[13]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Kaminski, \u201cThe Role of Newspapers,\u201d 285.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftnref14\" name=\"_ftn14\">[14]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Due to the January 30 date, it is reasonable to presume that the pamphlet\u2019s internal advertisement was written several months prior to the newspaper advertisements which began appearing in early May. Massachusetts ratified on February 6 with recommended amendments. This may help explain the differences between the January 30 pamphlet advertisement and the newspaper advertisements.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftnref15\" name=\"_ftn15\">[15]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Farrand, 1:48 (Madison\u2019s notes on May 29).<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftnref16\" name=\"_ftn16\">[16]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Farrand 1:132 (Madison\u2019s notes on June 6). See also Gerry to John Wendell dated 16 Nov. 1787: \u201cIf the new constitution should be adopted, I shall think it my duty to support it&#8230;.\u201d<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftnref17\" name=\"_ftn17\">[17]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 \u201cIf those who are in favor of the Constitution, as well as those who are against it, should preserve moderation, their discussions may afford much information and finally direct to an happy issue.\u201d DHRC, 4:99.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftnref18\" name=\"_ftn18\">[18]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Jack N. Rakove, <em>Original Meanings: Politics and Ideas in the Making of the Constitution<\/em> (New York: Knopf, 1996), 229.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftnref19\" name=\"_ftn19\">[19]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Gordon Wood, \u201cThe Authorship of the Lettes from the Federal Farmer,\u201d <em>WMQ<\/em>, 3rd ser. 31 (1974), 301.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftnref20\" name=\"_ftn20\">[20]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 In particular, Rakove pointed to similarities between Smith\u2019s speeches and the letters of the Federal Farmer. Rakove, 228-229.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftnref21\" name=\"_ftn21\">[21]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Kaminski, \u201cThe Role of Newspapers,\u201d 287.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftnref22\" name=\"_ftn22\">[22]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Jackson Turner Main, <em>The Antifederalists: Critics of the Constitution, 1781-1788<\/em> (Chapel Hill, 1961), 177.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftnref23\" name=\"_ftn23\">[23]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Billias, 154.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftnref24\" name=\"_ftn24\">[24]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 DHRC, 37:329.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftnref25\" name=\"_ftn25\">[25]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 According to Madison&#8217;s notes on May 30:<\/p>\n<p>Genl. Pinkney expressed a doubt whether the act of Congs. recommending the Convention, or the Commissions of the deputies to it, could authorize a discussion of a System founded on different principles from the federal Constitution. Mr. Gerry seemed to entertain the same doubt. Farrand, 1:34.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftnref26\" name=\"_ftn26\">[26]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 According to McHenry&#8217;s notes of Gerry\u2019s May 30 speech:<\/p>\n<p>A distinction has been made between a federal and national government. We ought not to determine that there is this distinction for if we do it, it is questionable not only whether this convention can propose a government totally different or whether Congress itself would have a right to pass such a resolution as that before the house. The commission from Massachusetts empowers the deputies to proceed agreeably to the recommendation of Congress. This the founding of the convention. If we have a right to pass this resolution we have a right to <strong>annihilate<\/strong> the confederation. Farrand, 1:42.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftnref27\" name=\"_ftn27\">[27]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Farrand, 3:260.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftnref28\" name=\"_ftn28\">[28]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Farrand, 1:550.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftnref29\" name=\"_ftn29\">[29]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Farrand, 1:551.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftnref30\" name=\"_ftn30\">[30]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Wood, 301-302.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftnref31\" name=\"_ftn31\">[31]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Kaminski, 286.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftnref32\" name=\"_ftn32\">[32]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Elbridge Gerry to James Warren, 22 March 1789; Billias, 224.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftnref33\" name=\"_ftn33\">[33]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Billias, 224.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftnref34\" name=\"_ftn34\">[34]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 DHRC&amp;BR, 37:378.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftnref35\" name=\"_ftn35\">[35]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Farrand, 1:48 (Madison\u2019s notes on May 31).<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftnref36\" name=\"_ftn36\">[36]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 In subsequent printings, \u201cmorrisites\u201d was revised to \u201cm\u2014ites,\u201d referring to the followers of Robert Morris from Pennsylvania. DHRC, 14:54, n. 18.<\/p>\n<p>From 1781 to 1784 Robert Morris served as Superintendent of Finance under the Articles of Confederation. Before accepting the job, Morris drove a hard bargain, insisting on sweeping powers which many New England and Southern delegations opposed. Congress reluctantly agreed to Morris&#8217; conditions believing that only Morris could save the nation from looming insolvency. Richard \u00a0Beeman, <em>Plain, Honest Men: The Making of the American Constitution<\/em> (Random House, 2009), 11.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftnref37\" name=\"_ftn37\">[37]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Federal Farmer No. 1.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftnref38\" name=\"_ftn38\">[38]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Farrand, 1:467.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftnref39\" name=\"_ftn39\">[39]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Farrand, 1,233 (June 5).<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftnref40\" name=\"_ftn40\">[40]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Farrand, 2:388 (August 23).<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftnref41\" name=\"_ftn41\">[41]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Gerry to Wendell 14 September 1789, Fogg Collection, vol. LIV, Maine Hist. Soc.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftnref42\" name=\"_ftn42\">[42]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 According to Kaminski, \u201call\u201d of the Federal Farmer\u2019s positions \u201cappear to be perfectly consistent with Gerry\u2019s stance in the Constitutional Convention.\u201d Kaminski, 287.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftnref43\" name=\"_ftn43\">[43]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Gerry at Convention on 7\/14: \u201cHe favored the reconsideration with a view not of destroying the equality of votes; but of providing that the States should vote <strong>per capita<\/strong>. which he said would prevent the delays &amp; inconveniences that had been experienced in Congs. and would give a national aspect &amp; Spirit to the management of business.\u201d Sherman \u201chad no objection to the members in the 2d b. voting <strong>per capita<\/strong>, as had been suggested by (Mr. Gerry)\u201d. Farrand, 2:5.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftnref44\" name=\"_ftn44\">[44]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Federal Farmer No. 11 mentions per capita voting in the Senate, but does not object to senators voting \u201c<strong>individually<\/strong>,\u201d as might be expected for an Antifederalist. For example, Luther Martin opposed <strong>per capita<\/strong> voting at the Convention on July 23, \u201cas departing from the idea of the States being represented in the 2d. branch.\u201d FF11 suggests several revisions to the operation of the Senate but does not take issue with <strong>per capita<\/strong> voting. Rather, FF11 indicates that \u201cthe federal senate, in the form proposed, may be useful to many purposes&#8230;\u201d<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftnref45\" name=\"_ftn45\">[45]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Gerry at the Convention on 9\/12: \u201cMr. Gerry urged the necessity of Juries to guard agst. corrupt Judges. He proposed that the Committee last appointed should be directed to provide a clause for securing the trial by Juries.\u201d Farrand, 2:587.<\/p>\n<p>Gerry at the Convention on 9\/15: \u201cMr. Pinkney &amp; Mr. Gerry moved to annex to the end. &#8220;And a trial by jury shall be preserved as usual in civil cases.\u201d Farrand, 2:628.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftnref46\" name=\"_ftn46\">[46]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Federal Farmer No. 3: \u201c&#8230;the <strong>jury<\/strong> trial of the vicinage is not secured particularly in the large states, a citizen may be tried for a crime committed in the state, and yet tried in some states 500 miles from the place where it was committed; but the jury trial is not secured at all in civil causes.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>FF4: \u201cThe trial by <strong>jury<\/strong> is very important in another point of view. It is essential in every free country, that common people should have a part and share of influence, in the judicial as well as in the legislative department.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>FF15: \u201cthe powers and duties of judges and <strong>juries<\/strong>, are too important, as they respect the political system, as was as the administration of justice, not to be fixed on general principles by the constitution&#8221;&#8230;.\u201cdirectly the opposite principle is established\u201d<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftnref47\" name=\"_ftn47\">[47]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Gerry at Convention on 8\/18 moved \u201cthat in time of peace the <strong>army<\/strong> shall not consist of more than thousand men.\u201d \u201cMr Gerry took notice that there was (no) check here agst. <strong>standing armies<\/strong> in time of peace. The existing Congs. is so constructed that it cannot of itself maintain an <strong>army<\/strong>. This wd. not be the case under the new system. The people were jealous on this head, and great opposition to the plan would spring from such an omission.\u201d \u201cHe proposed that there shall not be kept up <strong>in time of peace<\/strong> more than thousand troops. His idea was that the blank should be filled with two or three thousand.&#8221; Farrand, 2:329.<\/p>\n<p>Gerry at Convention on 9\/5: \u201cGerry objected that it admitted of appropriations to an <strong>army<\/strong> for two years instead of one, for which he could not conceive a reason\u2014 that it implied there was to be a <strong>standing army<\/strong> which he inveighed against as dangerous to liberty, as unnecessary even for so great an extent of Country as this, and if necessary, some restriction on the number &amp; duration ought to be provided: Nor was this a proper time for such an innovation. The people would not bear it.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>Gerry in Congress, 6\/2\/1784, \u201c&#8230;<strong>standing armies<\/strong> in times of peace, are inconsistent with principles of republican Governments, dangerous to the liberties of a free people, and generally converted into destructive engines for establishing despotism.\u201d Journals of the Continental Congress, 27:518.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftnref48\" name=\"_ftn48\">[48]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 FF3: \u201cI see so many men in America fond of a <strong>standing army<\/strong>, and especially among those who probably will have a large share in administering the federal system.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>FF13: \u201cWe all agree, that a <strong>large standing army<\/strong> has a strong tendency to depress and inslave the people: it is equally true that a large body of selfish, unfeeling, unprincipled civil officers has a like or a more pernicious tendency to the same point.\u201d<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftnref49\" name=\"_ftn49\">[49]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 According to his biographer, Gerry was a longstanding opponent of standing armies. \u201cGiven Gerry\u2019s republican outlook, one of his greatest fears was that of a standing army within a &#8216;free state.&#8217; Apprehensive lest the militia created to counter the British be turned against the American people, Gerry insisted upon a highly decentralized military force. He was as anxious to fragment and control military power as much as political power.\u201d Billias, 33.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftnref50\" name=\"_ftn50\">[50]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Gerry to George Washington, 1\/13\/1778: \u201cthis will introduce that <strong>Subordination to civil Authority<\/strong> which is necessary to produce an internal Security to Liberty.\u201d<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftnref51\" name=\"_ftn51\">[51]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 FF6: \u201cThe military ought to be <strong>subordinate<\/strong> to civil authority\u201d<\/p>\n<p>FF18: \u201cthe whole ought ever to be, and understood to be, in <strong>strict<\/strong> <strong>subordination<\/strong> to the civil authority\u201d<\/p>\n<p>FF18: \u201cmilitary ought ever to be <strong>subject to the civil authority<\/strong>, &amp;c.\u201d<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftnref52\" name=\"_ftn52\">[52]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Gerry at Convention on 6\/13: \u201cMr. Gerry moved to restrain the Senatorial branch from originating money bills. The other branch was more immediately the representatives of the people, and it was a maxim that the people ought to <strong>hold the Purse-strings<\/strong>. If the Senate should be allowed to originate such bills, they wd. repeat the experiment, till chance should furnish a sett of representatives in the other branch who will fall into their snares.\u201d Farrand, 1:233.<\/p>\n<p>Gerry at Convention on 8\/13: \u201cMr. Gerry considered this as a part of the plan that would be much scrutinized. Taxation &amp; representation are strongly associated in the minds of the people, and they will not agree that any but their immediate representatives shall meddle with their <strong>purses<\/strong>. In short the acceptance of the plan will inevitably fail, if the Senate be not restrained from originating Money bills.\u201d \u00a0Farrand, 2:275.<\/p>\n<p>Gerry&#8217;s letter to the MA Legislature on 1\/22\/88 explained the Convention&#8217;s reversal on the money bill compromise which Gerry at supported:<\/p>\n<p>\u201cThe admission, however, of the smaller States to an equal representation in the Senate, never would have been agreed to by the Committee, or by myself, as a member of it, without the provision &#8216;that all bills for raising or appropriating money, and for fixing the salaries of the officers of government,&#8217; should originate in the House of Representatives, and &#8216;not be altered or amended&#8217; by the Senate, &#8216;and that no money should be drawn from the treasury&#8217; &#8216;but in pursuance of such appropriations.\u201d \u201cThis provision was agreed to by the Convention, at the same time and by the same vote, as that which allows to each State an equal voice in the Senate, and was afterwards referred to the Committee of Detail, and reported by them as part of the Constitution, as will appear by documents in my possession. Nevertheless, the smaller States having attained their object of an equal voice in the Senate, a new provision, now in the Constitution, was substituted, whereby the Senate have a right to propose amendments to revenue bills, and the provision reported by the Committee was effectually destroyed.\u201d \u201cIt was likewise conceived, that the right of expending should be in proportion to the ability of raising money \u2014 that the larger States would not have the least security for their property if they had not the due command of their own <strong>purses<\/strong>.\u201d \u201c&#8230;the Commons of Great Britain had ever strenuously and successfully contended for this important right, which the Lords had often, but in vain, endeavored to exercise \u2014 that the preservation of this right, the right of holding the <strong>purse-strings<\/strong>, was essential to the preservation of liberty \u2014 and that to this right, perhaps, was principally owing the liberty that still remains in Great Britain.\u201d<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftnref53\" name=\"_ftn53\">[53]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 FF9: \u201cIn the British government the king is particularly intrusted with the national honor and defence, but the commons solely <strong>hold the<\/strong> <strong>purse<\/strong>. I think I have amply shewn that the representation in congress will be totally inadequate in matters of taxation&#8230;\u201d<\/p>\n<p>FF10: \u201cI have pursued it in a manner new, and I have found it necessary to be somewhat prolix, to illustrate the point I had in view. My idea has ever been, when the democratic branch is weak and small, the body of the people have no defence, and every thing to fear: if they expect to find genuine political friends in kings and nobles, in great and powerful men, they deceive themselves. On the other hand, fix a genuine democratic branch in the government, solely to <strong>hold the purse<\/strong>, and with the power of impeachment, and to propose and negative laws, cautiously limit the king and nobles, or the executive and the senate, as the case may be, and the people, I conceive, have but little to fear, and their liberties will be always secure.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>FF17: \u201c<strong>purse<\/strong> in the hands of the commons alone\u201d<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftnref54\" name=\"_ftn54\">[54]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Gerry at the Convention on 8\/22: \u201cMr. Gerry &amp; Mr. McHenry moved to insert after the 2d. sect. art: 7. the clause following, to wit, &#8220;The Legislature shall pass no bill of attainder nor (any) ex post facto law\u201d \u201cMr. Gerry urged the necessity of this prohibition, which he said was greater in the National than the State Legislature, because the number of members in the former being fewer, they were on that account the more to be feared.\u201d Farrand, 2:375.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftnref55\" name=\"_ftn55\">[55]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 FF4: \u201cIt is here wisely stipulated, that the federal legislature shall never pass a <strong>bill of attainder, or expost facto law<\/strong>; that no tax shall be laid on articles exported, etc. The establishing of one right implies the necessity of establishing another and similar one.\u201d<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftnref56\" name=\"_ftn56\">[56]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Gerry at Convention on 8\/18: \u201cMr. Gerry remarked that some provision ought to be made in favor of public Securities, and something inserted concerning letters of marque, which he thought not included in the power of war. He proposed that these subjects should also go to a Committee.\u201d &#8220;Mr. Gerry&#8217;s motion to provide for (public securities) for stages on post-roads, and for letters of marque and reprisal, were committed nem. con.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>Gerry claimed joint paternity with James Sullivan of the MA Act of Nov 1 1775 to issue letter of marque and establish prize courts (MA Historical Society collection, LXXVII, p 23)<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftnref57\" name=\"_ftn57\">[57]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 FF18: \u201cI am persuaded, a federal head never was formed, that possessed half the powers\u2026.for granting letters of <strong>marque and reprisal<\/strong>\u2026.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>FF6: mentions that Congress was empowered to \u201cgrant letters of <strong>marque and reprisal<\/strong>.\u201d<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftnref58\" name=\"_ftn58\">[58]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Gerry at Convention on 7\/19: \u201cMr. Gerry. If the Executive is to be elected by the Legislature he certainly ought not to be <strong>re-eligible<\/strong>. This would make him absolutely dependent.\u201d Farrand, 2:57.<\/p>\n<p>Gerry at Convention on 7\/24: \u201cMr. Houston moved that he be appointed by the &#8220;Natl. Legislature, (instead of &#8220;Electors appointed by the State Legislatures\u201d\u2026..\u201cMr. Gerry opposed it. He thought there was no ground to apprehend the danger urged by Mr. Houston. The election of the Executive Magistrate will be considered as of vast importance and will create great earnestness. The best men, the Governours of the States will not hold it derogatory from their character to be the electors. If the motion should be agreed to, it will be necessary to make the Executive <strong>ineligible<\/strong> a 2d. time, in order to render him independent of the Legislature; which was an idea extremely repugnant to his way of thinking.\u201d \u201cMr. Gerry. That the Executive shd. be independent of the Legislature is a clear point. The longer the duration of his appointment the more will his dependence be diminished \u2014 It will be better then for him to continue 10, 15, or even 20 \u2014 years and be ineligible afterwards.\u201d Farrand, 2:102.<\/p>\n<p>Gerry at Convention on 7\/25: \u201cGerry supported Pinkney&#8217;s motion limiting President to 6 in 12 years.\u201d Farrand, 2:112.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftnref59\" name=\"_ftn59\">[59]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 FF14: \u201cA man chosen to this important office for a limited period, and always afterwards rendered, by the constitution, <strong>ineligible<\/strong>, will be governed by very different considerations\u2026.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>FF14: \u201cany person from period to period may be <strong>re-elected president<\/strong>, I think very exceptional.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>FF14: \u201cThe convention, it seems, first agreed that the president should be chosen for seven years, and <strong>never after to be eligible<\/strong>. Whether seven years is a period too long or not, is rather matter of opinion; but clear it is, that this mode is infinitely preferable to the one finally adopted. When a man shall get the chair, who may be <strong>re-elected<\/strong>, from time to time, for life, his greatest object will be to keep it; to gain friends and votes, at any rate.\u201d<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftnref60\" name=\"_ftn60\">[60]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Gerry at Convention on 7\/20: \u201cMr. Gerry urged the necessity of <strong>impeachments<\/strong>. A good magistrate will not fear them. A bad one ought to be kept in fear of them. He hoped the maxim would never be adopted here that the chief Magistrate could do (no) wrong.\u201d<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftnref61\" name=\"_ftn61\">[61]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 FF10: \u201cfix a genuine democratic branch in the government, solely to hold the purse, and with the power of <strong>impeachment<\/strong>, and to propose and negative laws cautiously limit the king and nobles, or the executive and the senate, as the case may be, and the people, I conceive, have but little to fear, and their liberties will be always secure.\u201d<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftnref62\" name=\"_ftn62\">[62]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Gerry at Convention 6\/11: \u201cMr. Gerry did not like the clause (<strong>oaths<\/strong> to federal and state government). He thought there was as much reason for requiring an <strong>oath<\/strong> of fidelity to the States, from Natl. officers, as vice. versa.\u201d Farrand, 1:203.<\/p>\n<p>Gerry at Convention 7\/23: \u201cMr. Gerry moved to insert as an amendmt. that the <strong>oath<\/strong> of the Officers of the National Government also should extend to the support of the Natl. Govt. which was agreed to nem. con.\u201d \u201cMr. Gerry thought with Mr. Ghorum there could be no shadow of inconsistency in the case. Nor could he see any other harm that could result from the Resolution. On the other side he thought one good effect would be produced by it. Hitherto the officers of (the two) Governments had considered them as distinct from, not as parts of the-General System, &amp; had in all cases of interference given a preference to the State Govts. The proposed <strong>oaths<\/strong> will cure that error.\u201d Farrand, 2:88.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftnref63\" name=\"_ftn63\">[63]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 FF18: \u201cAs the state governments, as well as the federal, are essential parts of the system, why should not the <strong>oath <\/strong>taken by the officers be expressly to support the whole.\u201d<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftnref64\" name=\"_ftn64\">[64]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Gerry at Convention on 8\/17: \u201cMr. Gerry 2ds. him. <strong>8 Senators may possibly exercise the power<\/strong> if vested in that body, and 14 if all should be present; and may consequently give up part of the U. States. The Senate are more liable to be corrupted by an Enemy than the whole Legislature.\u201d Farrand, 2:319.<\/p>\n<p>Gerry at Convention on 9\/8: \u201cMr. Gerry enlarged on the danger of putting the essential rights of the Union in the hands of <strong>so small a number as a majority of the Senate<\/strong>, representing perhaps, not one fifth of the people. The Senate will be corrupted by foreign influence.\u201d Farrand, 2:548.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftnref65\" name=\"_ftn65\">[65]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 FF4: \u201cBy the article before recited, <strong>treaties<\/strong> also made under the authority of the United States, shall be the supreme law: It is not said that these treaties shall be made in pursuance of the constitution\u2014nor are there any <strong>constitutional bounds<\/strong> set\u2026and when these treaties shall be made, they will also abolish all laws and state constitutions incompatible with them.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>FF4: \u201cThis power in the president and <strong>senate<\/strong> is absolute, and the judges will be bound to allow full force to whatever rule, article or thing the president and senate shall establish by treaty, whether it be practicable to set any bounds to those who make treaties, I am not able to say: If not, it proves that this power ought to be more safely lodged.\u201d<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftnref66\" name=\"_ftn66\">[66]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Gerry at Convention on 6\/1: \u201cMr. Gerry favored the policy of <strong>annexing a Council (to the Executive)<\/strong> in order to give weight &amp; inspire confidence.\u201d<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftnref67\" name=\"_ftn67\">[67]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 FF13: \u201cThe fittest receptacle for this residuary power is clearly, in my opinion, the first executive magistrate, advised and directed by an <strong>executive council<\/strong> of seven or nine members, periodically chosen from such proportional districts as the union may for the purpose be divided into.\u201d<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftnref68\" name=\"_ftn68\">[68]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Gerry at the Convention on 8\/22: \u201cMr. Gerry thought we had nothing to do with the conduct of the States as to Slaves, but ought to be careful not to give any sanction to it.\u201d Billias 386, n35: Gerry&#8217;s position that the institution &#8220;should not be sanctioned in any way was in keeping with his oft-expressed anti-slavery sentiments bot in the Convention and later in public life.\u201d<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftnref69\" name=\"_ftn69\">[69]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 FF18: \u201cThe stipulation that congress, after twenty one years may prohibit the importation of slaves, is a point gained, if not so favourable as could be wished for.\u201d<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftnref70\" name=\"_ftn70\">[70]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Gerry at Convention on 8\/31: \u201cMr. Gerry enlarged on the idea of Mr. L. Martin in which he concurred, represented the system as full of vices, and dwelt on the <strong>impropriety of destroying the existing Confederation, without the unanimous Consent<\/strong> of the parties to it\u201d<\/p>\n<p>Gerry at Convention on 9\/10: Mr. Gerry moved to reconsider art: XXI &amp; XXII from the latter of which &#8220;for the approbation of Congs.&#8221; had been struck out. He objected to proceeding to change the Government without the approbation of Congress as being improper and giving just umbrage to that body. He repeated his objections also to an annulment of the confederation with so little scruple or formality.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>Gerry at Convention on 9\/10: \u201cMr. Gerry urged the indecency and pernicious tendency of dissolving in so slight a manner, the solemn obligations of the articles of confederation. If nine out of thirteen can dissolve the compact, Six out of nine will be just as able to dissolve the new one hereafter.\u201d<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftnref71\" name=\"_ftn71\">[71]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 FF18: \u201cIn the article respecting amendments, it is stipulated, that no state shall ever be deprived of its equal vote in the senate without its consent; and that alterations may be made by the consent of three-fourths of the states. Stipulations to bind the majority of the people may serve one purpose, to prevent frequent motions for change; but these attempts to bind the majority, generally give occasion for breach of contract. The states all agreed about seven years ago, that the confederation <strong>should remain unaltered<\/strong>, <strong>unless every state should agree<\/strong> to alterations: but we now see it agreed by the convention, and four states, that the old confederacy shall be destroyed, and a new one, of nine states, be erected, if nine only shall come in. Had we agreed, that a majority should alter the confederation, a majority\u2019s agreeing would have bound the rest: but now we must break the old league, <strong>unless all the states agree<\/strong> to alter, or not proceed with adopting the constitution. Whether the adoption by nine states will not produce a nearly equal and dangerous division of the people for and against the constitution\u2014whether the circumstances of the country were such as to justify the hazarding a probability of such a situation, I shall not undertake to determine. I shall leave it to be determined hereafter, whether nine states, under a new federal compact, can claim the benefits of any treaties made with a confederation of thirteen, under a distinct compact and form of existence.\u201d<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftnref72\" name=\"_ftn72\">[72]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 FF6: \u201cNo\u00a0<strong>hereditary honors<\/strong>, or orders of nobility, ought to be allowed\u201d<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftnref73\" name=\"_ftn73\">[73]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Gerry at Convention on 7\/26: \u201cA popular election (in any form), as Mr. Gerry has observed, would throw the appointment into the hands of the <strong>Cincinnati<\/strong>, a Society for the members of which he had a great respect; but which he never wished to have a preponderating influence in the Govt.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>Gerry at Convention on 7\/25: \u201cHe observed that such a Society of men existed in the Order of the <strong>Cincinnati<\/strong>. They were respectable, United, and influencial. They will in fact elect the chief Magistrate in every instance, if the election be referred to the people. \u2014 His respect for the characters composing this Society could not blind him to the danger &amp; impropriety of throwing such a power into their hands.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>Gerry to Stephen Higginson, 4 March 1784: \u201cWhat Rivers of Blood would thus flow from the harmless Fountain of the <strong>Cincinnati<\/strong>? If it be said that all these Apprehensions, exist only in Imagination, I answer, that it is now in the power of America to prevent their having any other Existence&#8230;Is it not clearly\u00a0Imperium\u00a0in Imperio, &amp; will it not be the only\u00a0Imperium\u00a0soon? Was there ever a more open, &amp; unconstitutional Measure than this Institution, pursued in any Government, since the use of the Term was known? Surely not;\u00a0&amp; I flatter myself, it will be soon annihilated. Besides the Dangerous Tendency pointed out, it is very extraordinary, that the military Gentlemen should be so vain as to suppose they have all the Merit of effecting the revolution.\u00a0Very few of them were concerned in the early opposition to the Measures of the british Ministry, &amp; the Opposers thereof risked more, or at least, as much, as any Citizens of America, whether civil or military.\u201d Smith, Letters of Delegates to Congress, 21:410.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftnref74\" name=\"_ftn74\">[74]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Farrand, 2:5.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftn75\" name=\"_ftnref75\">[75]. \u00a0\u00a0<\/a>\u00a0 \u00a0David O. Stewart, <em>The Summer of 1787: The Men Who Invented the Constitution<\/em> (Simon &amp; Schuster, 2007), 110-115.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftn75\" name=\"_ftnref75\">[76] \u00a0<\/a>\u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0Billias, 178.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftnref75\" name=\"_ftn75\">[77]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Farrand, 2:94. <i>New York Journal, <\/i>14 February 1788, DHRC, XX, 776. As will be discussed in <strong>Part 8 (pending)<\/strong> Hughes was allied with Melancton Smith and the core group of supporters of Governor George Clinton, variously referred to as the &#8220;Melancton Smith circle.&#8221;<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftnref76\" name=\"_ftn76\">[78]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Expositor II asked, \u201cIs this last mentioned right, a right of confederation or consolidation?&#8221; DHRC, 20:824.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftnref77\" name=\"_ftn77\">[79]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 DHRC, 19:254.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftnref78\" name=\"_ftn78\">[80]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 DHRC, 20:777.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftnref79\" name=\"_ftn79\">[81]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Pauline Maier, <em>Ratification: The People Debate the Constitution, 1787-1788<\/em> (Simon &amp; Schuster, 2010), 83; DHRC, 22:1673.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftnref80\" name=\"_ftn80\">[82]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 DHRC, 7:1720.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftnref81\" name=\"_ftn81\">[83]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Examples of the radical positions of the Columbian Patriot include calling the Convention a \u201cfraudulent usurpation at Philadelphia,\u201d and blaming ratification in Massachusetts on \u201cchicanery,\u201d \u201cintrigue,\u201d \u201cimbecility,\u201d and \u201cduplicity.\u201d Billias, 214. See also Gardiner, 207; DHRC, 16:273.<\/p>\n<p>Billias argues that prior historians (including Samuel Eliot Morison) were puzzled by Gerry&#8217;s extreme swings between Antifederalist positions, to support the Federalists during the Washington administration, to swing back as a Democratic-Republican in 1800. \u201cBut a more convincing interpretation of Gerry during his congressional years is that of a man of strong principles who carried the republicanism born in the Revolution of the 1770s through the 1780s\u201d whose political career evidences \u201ca remarkable adherence to the belies of the men of &#8217;76\u201d Billias 218. \u201cThis mistaken attribution is of the utmost importance in historiographical terms because the pamphlet made Gerry appear much more radical than he was.\u201d Billias 395.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftnref82\" name=\"_ftn82\">[84]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Richard Henry Lee to Samuel Adams, 27 Oct 1787; Samuel Adams to Richard Henry Lee, 3 Dec 1787.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftnref83\" name=\"_ftn83\">[85]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Gerry to John Hancock, 27 February 1789.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftnref84\" name=\"_ftn84\">[86]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 \u201cWe find by experience, that about two-thirds of the members of representative assemblies usually attend; therefore, of the representation proposed by the convention, about forty-five members probably will attend, doubling their number, about 90 will probably attend: their pay, in one case, at four dollars a day each (which is putting it high enough) will amount to, yearly, 21,600 dollars; in the other case, 43,200 dollars&#8230;.\u201d<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftnref85\" name=\"_ftn85\">[87]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Clinton Rossiter, <em>1787: The Grand Convention<\/em> (Macmillan, 1966), 85.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftnref86\" name=\"_ftn86\">[88]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Farrand, 1:48. John P. Kaminski &amp; Richard Leffler, eds. <i>William Pierce on the Constitutional Convention and the Constitution: Notes of Debates, Sketches of Delegates, and Writings on the Constitution <\/i>(Dallas, Texas, 2012).<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftnref87\" name=\"_ftn87\">[89]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Farrand, 1:569.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftnref88\" name=\"_ftn88\">[90]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 David J. Siemers, <em>The Antifederalists: Men of Great Faith and Forbearance <\/em>(Rowman &amp; Littlefield, 2003), 12.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftnref89\" name=\"_ftn89\">[91]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 \u201cIndeed I am so much convinced of the truth of Pope\u2019s maxim, that \u201cThat which is best administered is best,\u201d that I am much inclined to subscribe to it from experience.\u201d (FF1)<\/p>\n<p>\u201cIn the course of public debate in the convention Mr. Gerry applied to the system of government, as then under discussion, the words of Pope with respect to vice, \u201cthat it was a monster of such horrid mien, as to be hated but to be seen.\u201d &#8216;Luther Martin\u2019s Defense of Gerry,\u00a0 Farrand 3:260.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftnref90\" name=\"_ftn90\">[92]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 \u00a0\u201cAdd to this Montesquieu\u2019s opinion, that \u2018in a free state every man. who is supposed to be a free agent. ought to be concerned in his own government: therefore, the legislative should reside in the whole body of the people. or their representatives.\u201d (FF7)<\/p>\n<p>\u201cMontesquieu, it is true, observes&#8230;\u201d (FF7)<\/p>\n<p>\u201cIt is well observed by Montesquieu. that in republican governments, the forms of elections are fundamental: and that it is an essential part of the social compact. to ascertain by whom, to whom, when. and in what manner suffrages are to be given.\u201d (FF12)<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftnref91\" name=\"_ftn91\">[93]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Billias, 6.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftn92\" name=\"_ftnref92\">[94] \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 <\/a>Kaminski makes the point that many Antifederalists referred to the Federal Farmer\u2019s arguments, as he was \u201cwidely accepted as the most logical of the Antifederalist essayists.\u201d Ideally, to be persuasive an attribution should identify confirmed statements by a purported author <i>prior to <\/i>the publication of the Federal Farmer\u2019s pamphlets. Kaminski, 292, n. 17.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftnref92\" name=\"_ftn92\">[95]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Rufus King to John Alsop, 2 March 1788 Rufus King.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftnref93\" name=\"_ftn93\">[96]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Billias, 210.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/D84BD860-4FD2-4D97-971B-501D4341F578#_ftnref94\" name=\"_ftn94\">[97]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Kaminski\u2019s paper was presented in 1988.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>The Federal Farmer\u2019s Arguments The Federal Farmer \/ Elbridge Gerry Authorship Thesis\u00a0 (Uncovering the Federal Farmer \u2013 Part 6) During&hellip;<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":[],"categories":[1],"tags":[],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.statutesandstories.com\/blog_html\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/17630"}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.statutesandstories.com\/blog_html\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.statutesandstories.com\/blog_html\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.statutesandstories.com\/blog_html\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.statutesandstories.com\/blog_html\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=17630"}],"version-history":[{"count":32,"href":"https:\/\/www.statutesandstories.com\/blog_html\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/17630\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":17834,"href":"https:\/\/www.statutesandstories.com\/blog_html\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/17630\/revisions\/17834"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.statutesandstories.com\/blog_html\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=17630"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.statutesandstories.com\/blog_html\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=17630"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.statutesandstories.com\/blog_html\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=17630"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}