{"id":18918,"date":"2026-09-17T00:30:50","date_gmt":"2026-09-17T04:30:50","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.statutesandstories.com\/blog_html\/?p=18918"},"modified":"2026-09-17T01:05:16","modified_gmt":"2026-09-17T05:05:16","slug":"americas-first-historian-part-2","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.statutesandstories.com\/blog_html\/americas-first-historian-part-2\/","title":{"rendered":"America&#8217;s First Historian &#8211; Part 2"},"content":{"rendered":"<p style=\"text-align: center;\"><span style=\"color: #000000;\"><strong>America\u2019s First Historian<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: center;\"><span style=\"color: #000000;\"><strong>Gouverneur Morris\u2019s <em>Observations on the American Revolution<\/em> (Part 2)<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: center;\"><span style=\"color: #000000;\"><strong>A temple to freedom<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n<p><strong><a href=\"https:\/\/www.statutesandstories.com\/blog_html\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/09\/Screenshot-2026-09-17-at-12.19.39\u202fAM.png\"><img loading=\"lazy\" class=\"aligncenter size-full wp-image-18919\" src=\"https:\/\/www.statutesandstories.com\/blog_html\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/09\/Screenshot-2026-09-17-at-12.19.39\u202fAM.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"814\" height=\"356\" srcset=\"https:\/\/www.statutesandstories.com\/blog_html\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/09\/Screenshot-2026-09-17-at-12.19.39\u202fAM.png 814w, https:\/\/www.statutesandstories.com\/blog_html\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/09\/Screenshot-2026-09-17-at-12.19.39\u202fAM-300x131.png 300w, https:\/\/www.statutesandstories.com\/blog_html\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/09\/Screenshot-2026-09-17-at-12.19.39\u202fAM-768x336.png 768w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 814px) 100vw, 814px\" \/><\/a><\/strong><\/p>\n<p>In 1779 a newly released publication made headlines and attracted international attention. The Revolutionary War would continue to be waged for another four years, but the first draft of its history had already been written by Gouverneur Morris. Recognizing the importance of Morris\u2019s work, <em>Observations on the American Revolution <\/em>(\u201c<em>Observations<\/em>\u201d), Congress paid for the cost of copies to be distributed around the country.<a href=\"#_ftn1\" name=\"_ftnref1\">[1]<\/a> \u201cPublished according to a resolution of Congress,\u201d readers were advised that \u201cit was absolutely necessary that every inhabitant of the United States should be possessed of this valuable tract\u201d in order that they might \u201clook over the ground they have trodden during the present conflict.\u201d As discussed below, this work along with Morris\u2019s other scholarly pursuits entitle him to be properly recognized as America\u2019s first post-revolutionary historian.<\/p>\n<p>To promote the 122-page pamphlet, entire passages were reprinted in newspaper advertisements. The following concluding paragraph contains Morris\u2019s bold post-war vision and soaring declaration of American ideals. Notably, Morris\u2019s prose anticipated Emma Lazarus\u2019 famous inscription on the Statue of Liberty<a href=\"#_ftn2\" name=\"_ftnref2\">[2]<\/a> which reverberates across American history.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"https:\/\/www.statutesandstories.com\/blog_html\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/09\/Screenshot-2026-09-17-at-12.44.39\u202fAM.png\"><img loading=\"lazy\" class=\"aligncenter size-large wp-image-18932\" src=\"https:\/\/www.statutesandstories.com\/blog_html\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/09\/Screenshot-2026-09-17-at-12.44.39\u202fAM-1024x918.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"688\" height=\"617\" srcset=\"https:\/\/www.statutesandstories.com\/blog_html\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/09\/Screenshot-2026-09-17-at-12.44.39\u202fAM-1024x918.png 1024w, https:\/\/www.statutesandstories.com\/blog_html\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/09\/Screenshot-2026-09-17-at-12.44.39\u202fAM-300x269.png 300w, https:\/\/www.statutesandstories.com\/blog_html\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/09\/Screenshot-2026-09-17-at-12.44.39\u202fAM-768x689.png 768w, https:\/\/www.statutesandstories.com\/blog_html\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/09\/Screenshot-2026-09-17-at-12.44.39\u202fAM.png 1142w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 688px) 100vw, 688px\" \/><\/a><\/p>\n<p>Gouverneur Morris is widely recognized as the \u201cpenman of the Constitution.\u201d While his work drafting the Preamble and final draft of the Constitution in 1787 has been cherished for generations, his other contributions to American history are easily overlooked. In 1779 Congress called upon Morris to draft an official history of the American Revolution. Morris\u2019s <em>Observations <\/em>was an effort to combat British propaganda, rally public support, and survey the history of the first three years of the war.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"https:\/\/www.statutesandstories.com\/blog_html\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/09\/Screenshot-2026-09-17-at-12.23.15\u202fAM.png\"><img loading=\"lazy\" class=\"aligncenter size-large wp-image-18921\" src=\"https:\/\/www.statutesandstories.com\/blog_html\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/09\/Screenshot-2026-09-17-at-12.23.15\u202fAM-1024x211.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"688\" height=\"142\" srcset=\"https:\/\/www.statutesandstories.com\/blog_html\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/09\/Screenshot-2026-09-17-at-12.23.15\u202fAM-1024x211.png 1024w, https:\/\/www.statutesandstories.com\/blog_html\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/09\/Screenshot-2026-09-17-at-12.23.15\u202fAM-300x62.png 300w, https:\/\/www.statutesandstories.com\/blog_html\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/09\/Screenshot-2026-09-17-at-12.23.15\u202fAM-768x158.png 768w, https:\/\/www.statutesandstories.com\/blog_html\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/09\/Screenshot-2026-09-17-at-12.23.15\u202fAM.png 1028w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 688px) 100vw, 688px\" \/><\/a><\/p>\n<p>This blog post is the second in a three-part series arguing that Gouverneur Morris has a rightful claim to be recognized as the first American<a href=\"#_ftn3\" name=\"_ftnref3\">[3]<\/a> historian post-independence from Britain. Indeed, Morris appears to have been the first author to use phrase \u201cthe American Revolution\u201d<a href=\"#_ftn4\" name=\"_ftnref4\">[4]<\/a> in print.<a href=\"#_ftn5\" name=\"_ftnref5\">[5]<\/a> While he was not an academic historian who taught or published in a formal university setting, he delivered well-regarded funeral orations for George Washington, Alexander Hamilton and George Clinton.<a href=\"#_ftn6\" name=\"_ftnref6\">[6]<\/a> Near the end of his life Morris lectured on a variety of historical topics, including the underlying question of \u201cWhat is history?\u201d<a href=\"#_ftn7\" name=\"_ftnref7\">[7]<\/a> While his detailed diaries were not published during his lifetime, it is clear that he was writing for posterity. In 1804 he became a trustee of Columbia College. It should thus not be surprising that Morris became the second President of the New York Historical Society in 1816.<a href=\"#_ftn8\" name=\"_ftnref8\">[8]<\/a><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"color: #000000;\"><a style=\"color: #000000;\" href=\"https:\/\/www.statutesandstories.com\/blog_html\/americas-first-historian\/\"><strong>Part 1<\/strong><\/a> <\/span>began by introducing Morris\u2019s long overlooked work. <strong>Part 1<\/strong> presented the case that Morris was the ideal choice to draft the first history of the American Revolution, as the \u201cforemost publicist\u201d of Congress.<a href=\"#_ftn9\" name=\"_ftnref9\">[9]<\/a> During his time in Congress Morris was called upon to draft \u201calmost if not all the publications of Congress of any importance,\u201d particularly those involving diplomatic relations.<a href=\"#_ftn10\" name=\"_ftnref10\">[10]<\/a><\/p>\n<p><strong>Part 2<\/strong> below continues with a detailed analysis of the contents of Morris\u2019s <em>Observations<\/em>. Short on details of specific battles, the work is less of a military history and more of a diplomatic and political history of the war as it was being fought. Morris\u2019 <em>Observations<\/em> begins with a brief discussion of the establishment of the colonies, the adoption of the Stamp Act in 1765, its repeal in 1766, the Townsend Acts<a href=\"#_ftn11\" name=\"_ftnref11\">[11]<\/a> of 1767, and the Continental Association in 1774. Morris also summarizes various addresses to the inhabitants of colonial America and petitions to the King prior to independence, including the Olive Branch Petition<a href=\"#_ftn12\" name=\"_ftnref12\">[12]<\/a> in 1775, the accompanying Address to People of Great-Britain, various Congressional resolutions, and of course the Declaration of Independence.<a href=\"#_ftn13\" name=\"_ftnref13\">[13]<\/a> Morris also captures the back and forth war of words in 1778 between Congress and the British Carlisle Commission, which was largely Morris\u2019s handiwork.<a href=\"#_ftn14\" name=\"_ftnref14\">[14]<\/a> Links will be provided below to several of these historically significant primary sources.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Part 3 (pending)<\/strong> will outline the similarities between Morris\u2019s <em>Observations<\/em> and the Preamble of the Constitution. <strong>Part<\/strong> <strong>3 <\/strong>will also discuss of the historical significance of Morris\u2019 <em>Observations<\/em> and his vision for America after the war. Yet, Morris did not merely predict American greatness and expansion across the continent. Dating back to his remarkable \u201cOration on the Necessity for Declaring Independence\u201d in 1776, he also envisioned that America would become an \u201casylum from oppression\u201d and exalt \u201cthe dignity of mankind.\u201d<a href=\"#_ftn15\" name=\"_ftnref15\">[15]<\/a> This same humanistic imperative repeats three years later in his <em>Observations,<\/em> when Morris called for America to become a temple to freedom and an \u201casylum to mankind\u201d for the \u201coppressed, the miserable and the poor of every nation and every clime.\u201d<\/p>\n<p><strong>Part 3<\/strong> will continue with a discussion of the historiography of the America Revolution and a comparison of Morris\u2019s <em>Observations<\/em> with subsequent histories of the Revolution. It is also appropriate to consider Morris\u2019s history lectures and his involvement as a trustee at Columbia and as an officer of the New-York Historical Society. <strong>Part 3<\/strong> will conclude with a discussion of Morris\u2019s diaries and the work of historian Emilie Mitran, which support the thesis Morris\u2019s fingerprints evidence the work of both a statesman and a historian.<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: center;\">Overview of Morris\u2019 <em>Observations<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Congress understood the importance of <em>Observations<\/em>, printing 1,300 copies of the 122-page pamphlet.<a href=\"#_ftn16\" name=\"_ftnref16\">[16]<\/a> Today the 3,000 word monograph would be described as a Congressional white paper. \u201cThe publication was the nearest Congress ever came to issuing an official history of the revolution.\u201d<a href=\"#_ftn17\" name=\"_ftnref17\">[17]<\/a> In addition to providing a review of Anglo-American relations, <em>Observations<\/em> was an effort to establish British culpability for the war, demonstrate American resolve, and confirm the inevitability of American independence.<\/p>\n<p>The first history of the American Revolution is generally understood to be David Ramsay\u2019s <em>History of the Revolution in South Carolina<\/em> published in 1785 and his <em>History of the American Revolution<\/em> published in 1787. Mercy Owen Warren, another early historian of the American Revolution, published her three-volume <em>History of the Rise, Progress, and Termination of the American Revolution<\/em> in 1805. Published in 1779, Gouverneur Morris\u2019s <em>Observations <\/em>predates these works as the first history of the Revolutionary War. In hindsight is should not be a surprise that Morris was selected for this task by his peers as his was \u201cthe pen most trusted\u201d by Congress.<a href=\"#_ftn18\" name=\"_ftnref18\">[18]<\/a><\/p>\n<p>These should be no doubt that Morris was engaged in the work of a historian when he wrote <em>Observations<\/em>. None other than Thomas Paine considered the pamphlet to be a work of historical scholarship. In a full-page review, Paine explicitly described <em>Observations<\/em> as drawing a \u201chistorical connection\u201d between the principal state papers in a \u201ccontinued chain.\u201d<a href=\"#_ftn19\" name=\"_ftnref19\">[19]<\/a> Interestingly, Paine was critical of Morris\u2019s omission of the battles of Trenton and Princeton. While Paine considered his other criticism \u201cimmaterial to the history,\u201d Paine was adamant that the addition of a half dozen pages \u201cmight have been employed\u201d to better advantage by laying the groundwork for Burgoyne\u2019s defeat at Saratoga.<\/p>\n<p>Morris\u2019s <em>Observations<\/em> was written as momentum was shifting to the Americans following the French decision to join the war after the Battle of Saratoga. To be sure, Morris was not attempting to write an impartial or detailed historical account of the war. Nevertheless, Morris\u2019s <em>Observations<\/em> reached back into colonial history to provide an overview of the underlying colonial grievances which gave rise to the conflict. As such, Morris was writing contemporary history intended for an international audience struggling to understand and justify the war effort on both sides of the Atlantic.<a href=\"#_ftn20\" name=\"_ftnref20\">[20]<\/a><\/p>\n<p>Remarkably, Gouverneur Morris wrote <em>Observations<\/em> while serving as an active member of the Continental Congress. When a cash strapped Congress voted to pay<a href=\"#_ftn21\" name=\"_ftnref21\">[21]<\/a> for the publication of Morris\u2019s <em>Observations<\/em>, it became the only \u201cofficial\u201d history of the war. Morris\u2019s <em>Observations<\/em> is not only noteworthy for its early timing but also its official pedigree, having been written \u201caccording to a resolution of Congress.\u201d<a href=\"#_ftn22\" name=\"_ftnref22\">[22]<\/a> Congress was willing to dedicate scarce wartime funds for this project based on the recognition that America was waging both a defensive campaign against the Britain military and a public relations war with the British Carlisle Commission.<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: center;\">Content of Morris\u2019s <em>Observations<\/em><\/p>\n<p>In May of 1780 detailed newspaper advertisements heralded the new publication.<a href=\"#_ftn23\" name=\"_ftnref23\">[23]<\/a> As pictured below, the following events would be discussed pertaining to the American Revolution, along with what can be described as Morris\u2019s \u201cclever running commentary\u201d connecting together more than two dozen Congressional resolutions, petitions, declarations and other primary sources:<a href=\"#_ftn24\" name=\"_ftnref24\">[24]<\/a><\/p>\n<ul>\n<li>The Address of Congress to the Inhabitants of America of October, 1774<\/li>\n<li>The Nonimportation Agreement of 1774 and the Continental Association<\/li>\n<li>The letter from Congress to General Gage of October 11, 1774 concerning Massachusetts<\/li>\n<li>The Resolves of Congress concerning the defense of New York<\/li>\n<li>The Declaration of Congress setting forth the Causes and Necessity of Taking up Arms, July 6, 1775<\/li>\n<li>The Petition of Congress to the King of England, July 8, 1775<\/li>\n<li>The Address of Congress to Inhabitants of Great Britain, July 8, 1775<\/li>\n<li>The Recommendation of Congress to the Inhabitants of the colonies to erect new governments, May 1776<\/li>\n<li>The Declaration of Independence, July 1776<\/li>\n<li>The Resolutions of Congress concerning proposals for Peace with Great Britain<\/li>\n<li>The Report of the Committee appointed to meet Lord Howe<\/li>\n<li>Drafts of two bills brought in the British Parliament<\/li>\n<li>The Report of the Congressional Committee on said bills<\/li>\n<li>The Address of Congress to the Inhabitants of America, May 8, 1778<\/li>\n<li>Letters and answers from Lord Howe and General Clinton to Congress<\/li>\n<li>Letters and answers from the British Commissioners to Congress<\/li>\n<li>Representation of the British Commissioners concerning the Convention of Saratoga and the Resolution of Congress thereon<\/li>\n<li>The Letter from General Clinton on the same subject<\/li>\n<li>The Manifesto and Proclamation by the British Commissioners<\/li>\n<li>Congress\u2019s reply Manifesto<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p><a href=\"https:\/\/www.statutesandstories.com\/blog_html\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/09\/Screenshot-2026-09-17-at-12.25.37\u202fAM.png\"><img loading=\"lazy\" class=\"aligncenter  wp-image-18922\" src=\"https:\/\/www.statutesandstories.com\/blog_html\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/09\/Screenshot-2026-09-17-at-12.25.37\u202fAM-573x1024.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"523\" height=\"934\" srcset=\"https:\/\/www.statutesandstories.com\/blog_html\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/09\/Screenshot-2026-09-17-at-12.25.37\u202fAM-573x1024.png 573w, https:\/\/www.statutesandstories.com\/blog_html\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/09\/Screenshot-2026-09-17-at-12.25.37\u202fAM-168x300.png 168w, https:\/\/www.statutesandstories.com\/blog_html\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/09\/Screenshot-2026-09-17-at-12.25.37\u202fAM.png 754w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 523px) 100vw, 523px\" \/><\/a><\/p>\n<p>Copies of Morris\u2019s <em>Observations<\/em> were also shared among Revolutionary leaders.<a href=\"#_ftn25\" name=\"_ftnref25\">[25]<\/a> For example, Richard Henry Lee sent a copy to Thomas Jefferson and John Adams. By letter dated <a href=\"https:\/\/founders.archives.gov\/documents\/Jefferson\/01-02-02-0103\">3 May 1779<\/a> Lee described the pamphlet as \u201ccontaining a collection of the most material congress papers with a few remarks interspersed, in order to shew in one comprehensive view the progress of our glorious revolution, and to rectify some false representations of the British Commissioners.\u201d<a href=\"#_ftn26\" name=\"_ftnref26\">[26]<\/a><\/p>\n<p>Historian Paul Smith describes <em>Observations<\/em> as \u201c[e]ssentially a review of Anglo-American relations from the Stamp Act through 1778. . . designed above all to demonstrate British responsibility for the war with America and to remind Americans of some of the barbarities and excesses practiced by agents of the king.\u201d<a href=\"#_ftn27\" name=\"_ftnref27\">[27]<\/a><\/p>\n<p>Theodore Roosevelt, apart from his political career, was also an author and historian. Appreciating Morris\u2019s role during and after the Revolutionary War, it is telling that Roosevelt wrote one of the first biographies about Gouverneur Morris.<a href=\"#_ftn28\" name=\"_ftnref28\">[28]<\/a> As described by Roosevelt, Morris\u2019s <em>Observations<\/em> contained \u201can outline of the causes of the war, the means used by the Americans to avert it, their unavailing efforts to secure a recognition of their rights\u201d along with the chief events that followed. \u201cThe whole was executed with address and ability, manifesting a deep knowledge of the principles and reasons on which the contest was founded, and an ardor of patriotism not surpassed in any writings of the day.\u201d<a href=\"#_ftn29\" name=\"_ftnref29\">[29]<\/a><\/p>\n<p>Set forth below are examples of Morris\u2019s handiwork which serve to demonstrate that Morris was writing history the revolutionary generation and for \u201cposterity\u201d<a href=\"#_ftn30\" name=\"_ftnref30\">[30]<\/a> Famously, Morris would similarly address the Preamble of the U.S. Constitution \u201cto ourselves and our posterity.\u201d Morris thus recognized that his audience extended from readers in 1779 to \u201c[w]hoever shall read the history of these transactions in a future age.\u201d<a href=\"#_ftn31\" name=\"_ftnref31\">[31]<\/a><\/p>\n<p>Morris began <em>Observations<\/em> by identifying his two goals:<\/p>\n<p style=\"padding-left: 40px;\">. . . that the present generation may fully comprehend those two points which <em>posterity <\/em>indeed will perceive at a single glance, but which it is of importance to the consciences of men to be well informed of now. For certainly it becomes us to know that the contest which hath emancipated our country, originated with our enemies, and hath been by them urged on for the purposes of domination: while on our part every step hath been taken consistent with possible safety to deprecate their vengeance and avert the calamities of war.<a href=\"#_ftn32\" name=\"_ftnref32\">[32]<\/a><\/p>\n<p>Morris next proceeded to offer a \u201ccursory view of the British colonies before the revolution\u201d along with Morris\u2019s introductory \u201cremarks on the circumstance of colonization.\u201d According to Morris, an underlying principle remained true across time: \u201cMen are by nature free,\u201d a right which could never be alienated. If citizens renounced the allegiance and protections of their sovereign they were free to fly from the territories of the state and \u201cerect new independent governments in new countries.\u201d For Morris, the \u201cfirst adventurers\u201d to America were inspired by freedom when they \u201cframed independent constitutions.\u201d Although different in form, colonial governments were all inspired by and founded upon the \u201ceternal maxim of free governments, that no man can be bound by laws to which he does not consent.\u201d<a href=\"#_ftn33\" name=\"_ftnref33\">[33]<\/a><\/p>\n<p>After these little republics began to flourish in the new world, their weakness required an \u201cancient trunk\u201d for support. Morris wrote that our ancestors, \u201cseduced by ancient habits\u201d and former friendships and connections naturally turned to the King of England in exchange for \u201cprotection in common with all his other subjects.\u201d<a href=\"#_ftn34\" name=\"_ftnref34\">[34]<\/a> Yet, for Morris the British colonies \u201cwere in fact so many independent states\u201d connected by similar manners, language, civic institutions and commerce. It followed, however, that \u201cthis connection could not be permanent\u201d as the interests of Britain and America were \u201cdiametrically opposite.\u201d<a href=\"#_ftn35\" name=\"_ftnref35\">[35]<\/a><\/p>\n<p>According to Morris, the French and Indian War was a significant turning point in American history. Morris reasoned that during the course of \u201cthe last war\u201d the weight and magnitude of America became visible to Britain. \u201cGreat-Britain claimed revenue and dominion. We refused the one, and disputed the other.\u201d<a href=\"#_ftn36\" name=\"_ftnref36\">[36]<\/a> Morris continued with a discussion of the history of the Stamp Act of 1765 and the Declaratory Act of 1766. As commonly understood, Morris explained that the Stamp Act was repealed not because it was founded on an erroneous principle, but because colonial protests demonstrated that the continuance thereof would be attended by \u201cconsequences greatly detrimental to the commercial interest of Great-Britain.\u201d<a href=\"#_ftn37\" name=\"_ftnref37\">[37]<\/a><\/p>\n<p>Morris also discussed what are now known as the Townshend Acts of 1767 and 1768, which Morris indicated were \u201ccommonly called the glafs, paper and tea act, made fifteen months after the repeal of the ftamp act.\u201d Morris also objected to the courts of admiralty and vice admiralty \u00a0established by Britain to more effectually recover \u201cpenalties and forfeitures\u201d inflicted by Parliament. According to Morris, the effect of this \u201cnew model\u201d was to \u201csubvert\u201d colonial legislatures and raise revenue from the colonists without their consent, rendering colonial assemblies useless.<\/p>\n<p>Morris cited at length from the \u201chistory\u201d set forth by the First Continental Congress in its October 1774 Address to the Inhabitants of the British colonies.<a href=\"#_ftn38\" name=\"_ftnref38\">[38]<\/a> In particular, patriots took issue with the replacement of jury trials with admiralty courts where single judges presided, holding their commissions at the pleasure of and totally dependent on the crown for their salaries. <a href=\"#_ftn39\" name=\"_ftnref39\">[39]<\/a> In addition to quoting from Congressional communications to the colonies, Morris also quoted from Congress\u2019s October 1774 petition to King George. As described by Morris, \u201cFor the redress of these grievances, the Congress of America, instead of flying to arms, which, however justifiable, would not perhaps have been wife, and which certainly ought as much as possible to be avoided, presented a petition to the king\u2026.\u201d<a href=\"#_ftn40\" name=\"_ftnref40\">[40]<\/a><\/p>\n<p>Morris carefully laid the predicate for the Boston Tea Party and similar protests in South Carolina, Philadelphia and New York.<a href=\"#_ftn41\" name=\"_ftnref41\">[41]<\/a> \u201cA large body of troops and a considerable armament of ships of war\u201d were sent to assist in the collection of money without colonial consent. At a time of peace, \u201cuncontroulable military power\u201d was vested in royal military generals, \u201cnot known to the constitutions of these colonies.\u201d Under the pretense of governing the colonies Britain established new dangerous institutions as \u201ccould only be expected from incensed masters\u201d collecting tribute or plundering conquered provinces.<a href=\"#_ftn42\" name=\"_ftnref42\">[42]<\/a><\/p>\n<p>Quoting from Congress\u2019s October 1774 Address, Morris explained that after the colonies resolved not to import East India Company tea: \u201cThe cargo sent to South Carolina was stored, and not allowed to be sold. Those sent to Philadelphia and New-York were not permitted to be landed. That sent to Boston was destroyed, because Governor Hutchinson would not suffer it to be returned.\u201d Once Britain learned of the destruction of tea in Boston, \u201cthe public spirited town . . . was singled out for destruction, and it was determined the province it belongs to should partake of its fate.\u201d<a href=\"#_ftn43\" name=\"_ftnref43\">[43]<\/a> As to be expected, Morris also criticized the Quebec Act along with the Intolerable Acts.<\/p>\n<p>The First Continental Congress responded to the Intolerable Acts with a <span style=\"color: #000000;\"><strong><a style=\"color: #000000;\" href=\"https:\/\/avalon.law.yale.edu\/18th_century\/resolves.asp\">Declaration of Resolves<\/a><\/strong> <\/span>of (also known as the \u201cDeclaration of Colonial Rights\u201d) adopted on 14 October 1774. Morris quoted from the Declaration, which set forth colonial objections and restated colonial rights. Congress accompanied its Declaration of Resolves with a<span style=\"color: #000000;\"> <strong><a style=\"color: #000000;\" href=\"https:\/\/archive.org\/details\/journalsofcontin01unit\/page\/114\/mode\/2up?q=%22W%5Ee+your+majestys+faithful+subjects%22\">Petition to King George<\/a><\/strong> <\/span>on October 26.<a href=\"#_ftn44\" name=\"_ftnref44\">[44]<\/a> As detailed by Morris, the colonies professed their loyalty to the King, even if relations with Parliament were rapidly deteriorating.<a href=\"#_ftn45\" name=\"_ftnref45\">[45]<\/a><\/p>\n<p>Morris also quoted from the Nonimportation Agreement of 1774 and the \u201c<span style=\"color: #000000;\"><strong><a style=\"color: #000000;\" href=\"https:\/\/founders.archives.gov\/documents\/Jefferson\/01-01-02-0094\">Continental Association<\/a><\/strong><\/span>\u201d (or \u201cArticles of Association\u201d) which instituted an economic boycott against Britain to protest the Intolerable Acts. As succinctly stated by Morris, it was \u201ca melancholy truth that to make men reason, they must be made to feel.\u201d<a href=\"#_ftn46\" name=\"_ftnref46\">[46]<\/a> The boycott began with non-importation and non-consumption of British goods in December of 1774. If the Intolerable Acts were not repealed within nine months, Congress scheduled a ban on colonial exports to begin in September of 1775. After putting this plan in motion, the First Continental Congress adjourned on 26 October 1775, having determined that the Second Continental would reconvene in May of 1775.<\/p>\n<p>Copied below is the first page and signature page of the Continental Association. Click <span style=\"color: #000000;\"><strong><a style=\"color: #000000;\" href=\"https:\/\/catalog.archives.gov\/id\/6277397?objectPage=3\">here<\/a><\/strong><\/span> for a link to the National Archives\u2019 manuscript copy.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"https:\/\/www.statutesandstories.com\/blog_html\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/09\/Continental-Assn.png\"><img loading=\"lazy\" class=\"aligncenter size-large wp-image-18923\" src=\"https:\/\/www.statutesandstories.com\/blog_html\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/09\/Continental-Assn-1024x626.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"688\" height=\"421\" srcset=\"https:\/\/www.statutesandstories.com\/blog_html\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/09\/Continental-Assn-1024x626.png 1024w, https:\/\/www.statutesandstories.com\/blog_html\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/09\/Continental-Assn-300x183.png 300w, https:\/\/www.statutesandstories.com\/blog_html\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/09\/Continental-Assn-768x470.png 768w, https:\/\/www.statutesandstories.com\/blog_html\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/09\/Continental-Assn-1536x939.png 1536w, https:\/\/www.statutesandstories.com\/blog_html\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/09\/Continental-Assn-2048x1253.png 2048w, https:\/\/www.statutesandstories.com\/blog_html\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/09\/Continental-Assn-1600x979.png 1600w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 688px) 100vw, 688px\" \/><\/a><\/p>\n<p>Stressing the point that the colonies were \u201csolicitous for peace,\u201d Morris described Congress\u2019s <span style=\"color: #000000;\"><strong><a style=\"color: #000000;\" href=\"https:\/\/founders.archives.gov\/documents\/Jay\/01-01-02-0071\">Address to the People of Britain<\/a><\/strong><\/span> and its October 1774 letter to General Thomas Gage, the Commander-in-Chief of British forces in North America.<a href=\"#_ftn47\" name=\"_ftnref47\">[47]<\/a> Both sought de-escalation as the colonies wished to remain attached to Great Britain \u201cif it were possible to be so without the total prostration of all our rights.\u201d Morris explained that Congress\u2019s letter entreated Gage \u201cto forebear measures tending to irritate the people of Massachusetts Bay.\u201d At the same time, Congress advised the citizens of Massachusetts to conduct themselves peacefully toward Gage and his troops.<a href=\"#_ftn48\" name=\"_ftnref48\">[48]<\/a><\/p>\n<p>Despite the earnest efforts of the First Continental Congress, Morris regretted that \u201cthe petition to the king received no other notice than to be thrown on the table of Parliament among the mass of American papers\u2026\u201d For Morris, King George thus \u201cfully declared\u201d his intention as \u201chis ministers avowed their determination to compel us to obey\u201d the Intolerable Acts.<a href=\"#_ftn49\" name=\"_ftnref49\">[49]<\/a><\/p>\n<p>Ticking through the pre-war chronology, Morris characterized Lord North\u2019s so-called Conciliatory Resolution of February 1775 as \u201cdirectly the reverse.\u201d As the Resolution was sent to the individual colonies and purposely ignored Congress, it was properly understood as an effort to divide the colonies. Morris quoted from Congress\u2019s <span style=\"color: #000000;\"><strong><a style=\"color: #000000;\" href=\"https:\/\/avalon.law.yale.edu\/18th_century\/jeffnort.asp\">Resolution Rejecting Lord North&#8217;s Proposals<\/a><\/strong> <\/span>\u00a0as \u201cunreasonable and insidious.\u201d Regardless of North\u2019s motivations, his Conciliatory Resolution did not arrive until it was too late. \u201cFor on the nineteenth of April, the fatal blow was struck at Lexington which severed the empire.\u201d As poetically described by Morris, \u201c[h]ere then commences a new era.\u201d<a href=\"#_ftn50\" name=\"_ftnref50\">[50]<\/a><\/p>\n<p>British generals Howe and Burgoyne arrived in America with reinforcements in May of 1775. Describing the British siege of Boston, Morris recounted that at \u201cBunker\u2019s Hill a second and more bloody sacrifice was made to the god of war.\u201d Morris quoted dismissively from the 30 May 1775 <strong><a href=\"https:\/\/avalon.law.yale.edu\/18th_century\/contcong_05-30-75.asp\">l<span style=\"color: #000000;\">etter from Lord North to Congress<\/span><\/a><\/strong><span style=\"color: #000000;\">.<\/span> Rather than being intimidated by Lord North\u2019s threats, Congress responded with <span style=\"color: #000000;\"><strong><a style=\"color: #000000;\" href=\"https:\/\/archive.org\/details\/journalscontine07statgoog\/page\/n64\/mode\/2up?q=%22certain+resolutions+respecting+New+York%22\">Resolves concerning the defense of New York<\/a><\/strong>.<\/span><a href=\"#_ftn51\" name=\"_ftnref51\">[51]<\/a><\/p>\n<p>The colonies correctly anticipated that additional British troops would attempt to take New York following their withdrawal from Boston. Morris acknowledged the strategic importance of the Hudson River, which was \u201cin the power of the enemy, if they chose to take it.\u201d Morris also admitted that New Yorkers were \u201cmuch divided in sentiment,\u201d in light of the \u201cvery critical situation\u201d and \u201cfear of impending danger.\u201d<a href=\"#_ftn52\" name=\"_ftnref52\">[52]<\/a> Indeed, Morris\u2019s own family reflected these differences.<a href=\"#_ftn53\" name=\"_ftnref53\">[53]<\/a><\/p>\n<p>One of the most important Congressional actions at this point was the adoption of the <strong><a href=\"https:\/\/avalon.law.yale.edu\/18th_century\/contcong_07-06-75.asp\"><span style=\"color: #000000;\">Declaration on Taking Arms<\/span><\/a><\/strong>, adopted on 6 July 1775. Morris set the stage by explaining that \u201c[n]o country perhaps in the world was ever in a more delicate situation at this period.\u201d Morris\u2019s prose describing the \u201ccrisis\u201d faced by the colonies is worthy of repetition below:<\/p>\n<p style=\"padding-left: 40px;\">They saw one of the most powerful nations upon earth, whose fleets covered the ocean\u2014whose flag had waved in triumph thro&#8217; the four quarters of the globe, ready to dart all her thunders against them; at the same time, America was without ships, without arms, without clothes, without money, without officers, without discipline, without a single fortification, a very considerable faction ready to join her enemies, exposed thro&#8217; an immense frontier to the irruptions of savage tribes, whose lust of blood was daily stimulated by all the arts which an unfeeling inhuman policy could dictate; while a herd of slaves were urged by the insidious offer of freedom, to plunge an assassin&#8217;s dagger in the bosom of domestic security. In this crisis, however, it was determined to risk every thing, rather than tamely submit to the yoke; but, at the same time, it was necessary to avoid as much as possible giving an alarm to the description people, by the mortifying display of their comparative weakness.<a href=\"#_ftn54\" name=\"_ftnref54\">[54]<\/a><\/p>\n<p>Two days after the adoption of the Declaration on Taking Arms, Congress adopted the famous <strong><a href=\"https:\/\/founders.archives.gov\/documents\/Jefferson\/01-01-02-0114\"><span style=\"color: #000000;\">Olive Branch Petition<\/span>.<\/a><\/strong><a href=\"#_ftn55\" name=\"_ftnref55\">[55]<\/a> In poetic language, Morris described the objective of the Olive Branch Petition as \u201cprophetic\u201d and \u201cremarkable\u201d notwithstanding the fact that Britain treated it with contempt:<\/p>\n<p style=\"padding-left: 40px;\">Where the affections of mankind are deeply interested, they are not easily prevailed on to relinquish the object. Reason in vain opposes her feeble barrier to the torrent of passion. Nature will be heard: she speaks to the heart in the tenderest, most persuasive language, and she cannot speak in vain. Tho\u2019 it was evident as the sun, that the king and parliament of Great-Britain had determined never to sheathe the sword, but upon the unconditional submission of America to the most humiliating bondage; yet, in a delirium of their former attachment, the Congress prepared another petition to the king, and another address to the people of England. Strange as it may seem, it is nevertheless true, that notwithstanding all our interests were clearly opposed to the measure, still a connection with the people, and subjection to the sovereign of Great-Britain, were considered as the most desirable of human events: for it may truly be affirmed, that next to the love of liberty, loyalty to his prince, and love of his fellow subjects, were the ruling passions of an American\u2019s bosom. The prophetic language contained in this petition and address is remarkable; and altho\u2019 it was treated by our enemies with the same contempt as our solemn professions not to submit to their tyranny, yet now that, the heat of the chase being abated, a cool moment of reflection presses itself upon them, it is probable they will, when too late, give to both their share of credit.<a href=\"#_ftn56\" name=\"_ftnref56\">[56]<\/a><\/p>\n<p>Copied below is the first page and signature page of the Olive Branch Petition. Click <span style=\"color: #000000;\"><strong><a style=\"color: #000000;\" href=\"https:\/\/digitalcollections.nypl.org\/items\/82c79ae0-7f25-0132-c54d-58d385a7b928?canvasIndex=7\">here<\/a><\/strong><\/span> for a link to the New York Public Library\u2019s manuscript copy.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"https:\/\/www.statutesandstories.com\/blog_html\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/09\/Screenshot-2026-09-17-at-12.29.21\u202fAM.png\"><img loading=\"lazy\" class=\"aligncenter size-large wp-image-18925\" src=\"https:\/\/www.statutesandstories.com\/blog_html\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/09\/Screenshot-2026-09-17-at-12.29.21\u202fAM-1024x804.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"688\" height=\"540\" srcset=\"https:\/\/www.statutesandstories.com\/blog_html\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/09\/Screenshot-2026-09-17-at-12.29.21\u202fAM-1024x804.png 1024w, https:\/\/www.statutesandstories.com\/blog_html\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/09\/Screenshot-2026-09-17-at-12.29.21\u202fAM-300x236.png 300w, https:\/\/www.statutesandstories.com\/blog_html\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/09\/Screenshot-2026-09-17-at-12.29.21\u202fAM-768x603.png 768w, https:\/\/www.statutesandstories.com\/blog_html\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/09\/Screenshot-2026-09-17-at-12.29.21\u202fAM-1536x1206.png 1536w, https:\/\/www.statutesandstories.com\/blog_html\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/09\/Screenshot-2026-09-17-at-12.29.21\u202fAM-1600x1256.png 1600w, https:\/\/www.statutesandstories.com\/blog_html\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/09\/Screenshot-2026-09-17-at-12.29.21\u202fAM.png 1936w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 688px) 100vw, 688px\" \/><\/a><\/p>\n<p>The Olive Branch Petition (also known as the \u201cSecond Petition from Congress to the King\u201d) was accompanied on July 8, 1775 by Congress\u2019s <span style=\"color: #000000;\"><strong><a style=\"color: #000000;\" href=\"https:\/\/archive.org\/details\/journalscontine07statgoog\/page\/n168\/mode\/2up\">Address to the Inhabitants of Great Britain<\/a><\/strong>.<\/span> Pointing to the \u201cties that bind us together,\u201d the Address was directed to \u201cFriends, Countrymen, and Brethren!\u201d in Great Britain.<a href=\"#_ftn57\" name=\"_ftnref57\">[57]<\/a> Morris quoted both publications in their entirety, allowing the text to speak for itself.<a href=\"#_ftn58\" name=\"_ftnref58\">[58]<\/a><\/p>\n<p>As any good historian would do, Morris was mindful of the implications of pending hostilities on the \u201cIndian nations.\u201d<a href=\"#_ftn59\" name=\"_ftnref59\">[59]<\/a> Morris emphasized that the colonies \u201copenly declared\u201d and manifested their \u201cdisposition for peace.\u201d Once again, Morris spoke with poetic and impassioned language to describe effort to avoid the fury of the native American tribes. \u201cTaught by adversity to feel for the woes, and by freedom to respect the rights of mankind,\u201d Morris wrote that the colonies hoped to avoid confrontation with our \u201cfellow men,\u201d the native American tribes.<\/p>\n<p>From native American rights in Indian lands to the freedom on the high seas, Morris also addressed Congress\u2019s reluctant authorization to legalize just reprisals against enemy shipping. Morris observed that Congress began consideration of the outfitting of privateers in November of 1775 but delayed taking action until March of 1776.<a href=\"#_ftn60\" name=\"_ftnref60\">[60]<\/a> When it eventually voted on a <span style=\"color: #000000;\"><strong><a style=\"color: #000000;\" href=\"https:\/\/archive.org\/details\/journalsofcontin04unit\/page\/228\/mode\/2up\">Resolution authorizing letters of marque and reprisal<\/a> <\/strong><\/span>authorizing letters of marque and reprisal, it did so pursuant to and in compliance with the law of nations.<a href=\"#_ftn61\" name=\"_ftnref61\">[61]<\/a><\/p>\n<p>Consistent with his humanitarian instincts, Morris noted that Congress went out of its way to respect the rights of third parties. According to Morris, \u201cthe most generous provision\u201d was made to feed and clothe prisoners who were placed in our power. Morris quoted the so-called <span style=\"color: #000000;\"><strong><a style=\"color: #000000;\" href=\"https:\/\/www.loc.gov\/resource\/bdsdcc.00801\/?sp=1&amp;st=text\">Tory Act<\/a><\/strong> <\/span>of January 1776, several resolutions adopted by the Second Continental Congress governing the treatment of Loyalists.<a href=\"#_ftn62\" name=\"_ftnref62\">[62]<\/a> Morris highlighted the fact that Congress condemned British wartime barbarity while insisting that \u201ccruelty should find no admission among a free people.\u201d Morris may have taken pride in the fact that Congress affirmed that \u201cno page in the annals of America\u201d should be stained by any action \u201cwhich justice or Christianity may condemn.\u201d<a href=\"#_ftn63\" name=\"_ftnref63\">[63]<\/a><\/p>\n<p>Morris may also have taken pride in discussing the 15 May 1776 <span style=\"color: #000000;\"><strong><a style=\"color: #000000;\" href=\"https:\/\/archive.org\/details\/journalsofcontin04unit\/page\/356\/mode\/2up\">Resolution on Independent State Governments<\/a><\/strong>.<\/span><a href=\"#_ftn64\" name=\"_ftnref64\">[64]<\/a> As described by Morris, \u201ca state of political anarchy could not long be tolerable to any society: the evils resulting from it must at length have produced the most fatal consequences; and it was impossible to foresee what might be the event of a contest in which mankind were set loose from the restraints of law.\u201d Impressed with this concern, Congress adopted the Resolution informing the colonies to adopt their own state constitutions \u201cas shall, in the opinion of the representatives of the people, best conduce the happiness and safety of their constituents in particular, and America in general.\u201d <a href=\"#_ftn65\" name=\"_ftnref65\">[65]<\/a><\/p>\n<p>After the adoption of this critically important Resolution on Independent State Governments, Morris would become one of the drafters of the New York Constitution. As reflected in his autobiography and correspondence, John Adams considered the Resolution to be a form of de facto independence, describing it as \u201cindependence itself.\u201d<a href=\"#_ftn66\" name=\"_ftnref66\">[66]<\/a> For Adams, it was \u201cthe most important Resolution, that ever was taken in America.\u201d<a href=\"#_ftn67\" name=\"_ftnref67\">[67]<\/a><\/p>\n<p>With Congress\u2019s plan in place to prepare new state constitutions, Morris described the fateful step that followed in Philadelphia. In prose worthy of the events of July 4, 1776 Morris explained:<\/p>\n<p style=\"padding-left: 40px;\">At length, fully convinced of what reason had long dictated, that no rational security for our liberties could be obtained during a connection with Great-Britain, and that every idea of dependence tended to enfeeble our efforts, in a cause on which every thing was at stake, the <strong>fine spun thread, which held the two countries together, was cut on the memorable 4th of July<\/strong>, 1776 by, the following Declaration [of Independence].<a href=\"#_ftn68\" name=\"_ftnref68\">[68]<\/a><\/p>\n<p>After quoting the Declaration in full, he explained that \u201cthis decisive step was taken in the face of the whole British force collected on our shores.\u201d Morris also recognized that \u201cfrom that moment\u201d everything changed. \u201cWhether we should be conquered enslaved provinces, or free and independent states? And on this proposition every man was in capacity to take his decided part.\u201d<a href=\"#_ftn69\" name=\"_ftnref69\">[69]<\/a><\/p>\n<p>Almost by definition, any history that followed would be comparatively dry. Morris continued nonetheless with a discussion of the message from Lord Howe to Congress following the Battle of Long Island. As indicated by Morris, Howe\u2019s message was delivered by General John Sullivan after his release from captivity on September 3, 1776 following the \u201caction of Long Island.\u201d Morris also quoted from Congress\u2019s response of September 5 leading into the fruitless Staten Island Peace Conference. The negotiations on September 11, 1776 ended after only three hours.<\/p>\n<p>The American negotiators (Benjamin Franklin, John Adams and Edward Rutledge) communicated that they were only empowered to hear British proposals, which they would report back to Congress. While the meeting was cordial, Lord Howe asserted that the colonies should \u201creturn to their allegiance and obedience\u201d to the King and that he lacked the authority to recognize American independence. Morris quoted from the <span style=\"color: #000000;\"><strong><a style=\"color: #000000;\" href=\"https:\/\/babel.hathitrust.org\/cgi\/pt?id=uc2.ark:\/13960\/t9668qx4z&amp;seq=357&amp;q1=%22in+her+state+of+dependence%22\">Report<\/a> <\/strong><\/span>of the American delegation to Congress.<a href=\"#_ftn70\" name=\"_ftnref70\">[70]<\/a><\/p>\n<p>Thereafter, Morris condensed two years of military history into a page of text spanning the period from September of 1776 to April of 1778. Morris indicated that \u201c[f]rom this moment the war raged with the utmost violence, and was prosecuted by the enemy with unabated vigor and barbarity.\u201d Morris explained that \u201c[t]o recite the numerous instances in which their faith, solemnly pledged, hath been broken, would be tedious and perhaps useless\u201d:<\/p>\n<p style=\"padding-left: 40px;\">Victory declared herself for a long time in favor of their superior numbers and superior discipline, and their insolence was equal to their success. Unable to comprehend the whole of the object they had undertaken, and overjoyed at the acquisition of the minuter parts, already the needy greedy parasites of a voluptuous court had in imagination carved out our possessions among them, and wantoned in the prospect of enjoying the fruits of our laborious industry.<a href=\"#_ftn71\" name=\"_ftnref71\">[71]<\/a><\/p>\n<p>Without identifying the Battle of Saratoga or the American commanders by name, Morris summarized that General Burgoyne was defeated by the \u201cdetermined bravery\u201d of the Americans. \u00a0Morris explained that France subsequently joined the war when convinced of \u201cour fortitude and perseverance\u201d:<\/p>\n<p style=\"padding-left: 40px;\">The splendor of our success in that quarter called the attention of Europe to our fortitude and perseverance. The weight and importance of a country which could resist the astonishing efforts made by Great-Britain, were evident to the most careless observation. The acknowledgement of our independence became therefore an object of serious deliberation. Awakened from their dream of glory to a view of their danger, the ministry of England determined, if possible, to recover what they had wantonly thrown away.<a href=\"#_ftn72\" name=\"_ftnref72\">[72]<\/a><\/p>\n<p>It is this part of Morris\u2019s <em>Observations<\/em> to which Thomas Paine objected. Writing under his pseudonym <em>Common Sense<\/em>, Paine explained that, \u201cThere is no part in the pamphlet, where half a dozen pages might have been employed to more honour and advantage, than in concisely setting forth the principal circumstances which passed between the conference our Staten Island and the arrival of the draughts of the British bills at York Town.\u201d<a href=\"#_ftn73\" name=\"_ftnref73\">[73]<\/a><\/p>\n<p>After the Battle of Saratoga, Parliament proposed the <span style=\"color: #000000;\"><strong><a style=\"color: #000000;\" href=\"https:\/\/www.solon.org\/Constitutions\/Canada\/English\/PreConfederation\/ctra_1778.html\">Taxation of Colonies Act of 1778<\/a><\/strong><\/span>, an effort to restart peace negotiations by declaring that Parliament would no longer tax the colonies to raise revenue. Morris quoted from a draft of the bill<a href=\"#_ftn74\" name=\"_ftnref74\">[74]<\/a> conceding taxation, along with another bill appointing peace commissioners (the Carlisle Commission).<a href=\"#_ftn75\" name=\"_ftnref75\">[75]<\/a> General Washington feared that the British proposals were a Trojan horse to forestall an American alliance with France. Congress\u2019s detailed response was drafted by none other than Gouverneur Morris.<a href=\"#_ftn76\" name=\"_ftnref76\">[76]<\/a> Quoting from his own work not an exercise in vanity by Morris, as his report was unanimously adopted by Congress. Morris artfully rejected the British proposal in no uncertain terms: the British must \u201ceither their fleets and armies\u201d or \u201cin positive and express terms\u201d acknowledge the independence of the United States.<a href=\"#_ftn77\" name=\"_ftnref77\">[77]<\/a><\/p>\n<p>Morris next recounted the arrival of copies of the treaties of alliance and commerce with France, delivered by Simeon Deane from Paris on May 2, 1778.<a href=\"#_ftn78\" name=\"_ftnref78\">[78]<\/a> Morris was then appointed to prepare an <strong><span style=\"color: #000000;\"><a style=\"color: #000000;\" href=\"https:\/\/archive.org\/details\/journalscontine01conggoog\/page\/n70\/mode\/2up\">Address of Congress to the Inhabitants of the United States of America<\/a><\/span>,<\/strong> to be distributed around the nation and read in churches of all denominations.<a href=\"#_ftn79\" name=\"_ftnref79\">[79]<\/a> As described by historian William Howard Adams, the purpose of the address was \u201c[t]o underline the importance of the announcement and to reinforce the dangers of falling for London\u2019s seductive o\ufb00er of peace.\u201d<a href=\"#_ftn80\" name=\"_ftnref80\">[80]<\/a> Click <span style=\"color: #000000;\"><strong><a style=\"color: #000000;\" href=\"https:\/\/www.statutesandstories.com\/blog_html\/americas-first-historian\/\">here<\/a><\/strong><\/span> for a link to <strong>Part 1<\/strong> which contains a lengthy discussion of Morris\u2019s work replying to the Carlisle Commission.<\/p>\n<p>As described by historian Richard Brookhiser, during the spring, summer and fall of 1778, \u201cthe twenty-six-year old Morris wrote several official responses to the commission, and a number of essays in the Pennsylvania newspapers, signed an <em>American<\/em>, which took a stern view of its offers.\u201d<a href=\"#_ftn81\" name=\"_ftnref81\">[81]<\/a> William Howard Adams agrees that, \u201c[e]very report and response in the crisis carried Morris\u2019s distinctive stamp of calm but steely resolve.\u201d<a href=\"#_ftn82\" name=\"_ftnref82\">[82]<\/a> In other words, Morris \u201cset the uncompromising tone that would guide the ensuing peace negotiations in which he played a crucial role, his major achievement in the Congress.\u201d<a href=\"#_ftn83\" name=\"_ftnref83\">[83]<\/a><\/p>\n<p>While Morris did not attempt to claim credit for his work, he may have known that doing so was unnecessary. Upon reading Congress\u2019s response to the Carlisle Commission, John Jay wrote to Morris in May of 1778 indicating that it \u201cwas too strikingly marked with Morris not to be known by his friends to have been produced by his pen.\u201d Jay further explained that \u201cyour history of that business gives me pleasure.\u201d<a href=\"#_ftn84\" name=\"_ftnref84\">[84]<\/a><\/p>\n<p>The next subject addressed in <em>Observations<\/em> was the 27 May 1778 letter from Lord Howe and the 3 June letter from General Clinton containing the formal Conciliation Acts approved by Parliament to further facilitate negotiations.<a href=\"#_ftn85\" name=\"_ftnref85\">[85]<\/a> The first act repealed the Massachusetts Government Act of 1774. The second act repealed the Tea Act of 1774 and attempted to \u201cremove all doubts and apprehensions concerning taxation.\u201d The third act formally authorized the Carlisle Commission with \u201csufficient powers\u201d to negotiate upon \u201cthe means of quieting the disorders now subsisting in certain of the colonies\u201d in North America.<a href=\"#_ftn86\" name=\"_ftnref86\">[86]<\/a><\/p>\n<p>Having failed in their mission to undermine America\u2019s commitment to the war, the Carlisle Commission published a <span style=\"color: #000000;\"><strong>\u201c<a style=\"color: #000000;\" href=\"https:\/\/www.digitalhistory.uh.edu\/disp_textbook.cfm?smtID=3&amp;psid=156\">Manifesto and Proclamation<\/a>\u201d<\/strong><\/span> offering a pardon for all Americans who accepted conciliation but threatening dire consequences to all who refused.<a href=\"#_ftn87\" name=\"_ftnref87\">[87]<\/a> Morris aptly described the motivations for the Carlisle Commission\u2019s Manifesto as follows: \u201cBeing thus foiled in their several attempts to deceive, nothing remained but to terrify.\u201d After quoting the Manifesto, Morris reproduced Congress\u2019s own <span style=\"color: #000000;\"><strong><a style=\"color: #000000;\" href=\"https:\/\/archive.org\/details\/journalsofcontin12unit\/page\/1080\/mode\/2up?q=manifesto\">Manifesto Replying to the Carlisle Commission<\/a> <\/strong><\/span>on 30 October 1778.<a href=\"#_ftn88\" name=\"_ftnref88\">[88]<\/a> Once again, it was Morris who held the pen of Congress.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"https:\/\/www.statutesandstories.com\/blog_html\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/09\/Screenshot-2026-09-17-at-12.31.33\u202fAM.png\"><img loading=\"lazy\" class=\"aligncenter size-large wp-image-18927\" src=\"https:\/\/www.statutesandstories.com\/blog_html\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/09\/Screenshot-2026-09-17-at-12.31.33\u202fAM-1024x99.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"688\" height=\"67\" srcset=\"https:\/\/www.statutesandstories.com\/blog_html\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/09\/Screenshot-2026-09-17-at-12.31.33\u202fAM-1024x99.png 1024w, https:\/\/www.statutesandstories.com\/blog_html\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/09\/Screenshot-2026-09-17-at-12.31.33\u202fAM-300x29.png 300w, https:\/\/www.statutesandstories.com\/blog_html\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/09\/Screenshot-2026-09-17-at-12.31.33\u202fAM-768x75.png 768w, https:\/\/www.statutesandstories.com\/blog_html\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/09\/Screenshot-2026-09-17-at-12.31.33\u202fAM.png 1278w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 688px) 100vw, 688px\" \/><\/a><\/p>\n<p>Morris concluded <em>Observations<\/em> with the following stirring prose:<\/p>\n<p style=\"padding-left: 40px;\">CONSIDERING our present situation and connections, we cannot but be sensible that the independence of America is fully secured, and nothing left to guard against but the ravages of a cruel foe, and the derangement of our finances. To effect the former, we must hold ourselves ready to repel force by force wherever assailed, and firmly retort every infringement of the law of nations with unfeeling perseverance. To remedy the latter, economy in the expenditure of money, and taxation, are the natural means, and, in addition to these, private economy, founded on a conviction that the monies wantonly expended in the present moment of depreciation, will soon be deeply regretted when it hath recovered its full value. By such steps we shall frustrate the designs of our enemies, and hasten that moment when the United States of North-America, rising from distress to glory, shall dispense to their citizens <em><strong>the blessings of that peace, liberty and safety for which we have virtuously and vigorously contended.<\/strong><\/em><\/p>\n<p style=\"padding-left: 40px;\"><em><strong>THE portals of the temple we have raised to freedom, shall then be thrown wide, as an asylum to mankind. America shall receive to her bosom and comfort and cheer the oppressed, the miserable and the poor of every nation and of every clime.<\/strong><\/em> The enterprise of extending commerce shall wave her friendly flag over the billows of the remotest regions. Industry shall collect and bear to her shores all the various productions of the earth, and all by which human life and human manners are polished and adorned. In becoming acquainted with the religions, the customs and the laws, the wisdom, virtues and follies and prejudices of different countries, we shall be taught to cherish the principles of general benevolence. We shall learn to consider all men as our brethren, being equally children of the Universal Parent\u2014that God of the heavens and of the earth, whose infinite majesty, for providential favor during the late revolution, almighty power in our preservation from impending ruin, and gracious mercy in our redemption from the iron shackles of despotism, we cannot cease with gratitude and with deep humility to praise, to reverence and adore.<\/p>\n<p>In sum, Morris\u2019s <em>Observations<\/em> were not merely a reprinting of Congressional resolutions, petitions and declarations. Rather, Morris tied these sources together to tell the history of the American Revolution with his identifiable running commentary. By so doing, Morris\u2019s impact may have rivaled Thomas Paines\u2019 Common Sense, particularly for British audiences.<a href=\"#_ftn89\" name=\"_ftnref89\">[89]<\/a><\/p>\n<p>As will be described in <strong>Part 3 (Pending)<\/strong>, Morris\u2019s <em>Observations<\/em> were nothing less than a \u201ccall to national greatness and humanitarianism.\u201d<a href=\"#_ftn90\" name=\"_ftnref90\">[90]<\/a> As will be argued in Part 3, Morris\u2019s vision for America can be found not only in his <em>Observations<\/em>, but also in his remarkable New York Oration on the Necessity for Declaring Independence in 1776.<a href=\"#_ftn91\" name=\"_ftnref91\">[91]<\/a> The same vision echoes across time in the Preamble of the Constitution.<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: center;\">Endnotes<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref1\" name=\"_ftn1\">[1]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <em>JCC<\/em>, 12:519.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref2\" name=\"_ftn2\">[2]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Perhaps future researchers will investigate whether Lazarus had access to Morris\u2019 <em>Observations<\/em>. For example, Morris\u2019s prose was quoted in speeches to Congress in 1845. <em>Washington Union<\/em>, 7 March 1845, p1; <em>Portland Press Herald<\/em>, 24 November 1845 p. 2.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref3\" name=\"_ftn3\">[3]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 The first published history of the British colonies was Captain James Smith\u2019s <em>The Generall <\/em><em>Historie of Virginia, New-England, and the Summer Isles<\/em>, published in 1632.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref4\" name=\"_ftn4\">[4]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Ilan Rachum, \u201cFrom \u2018<em>American Independence\u2019<\/em> to \u2018<em>American Revolution<\/em>,\u2019 \u201d <em>Journal of American Studies<\/em> 27, no. 1 (April 1993): 73\u201381; <a href=\"https:\/\/www.jstor.org\/stable\/40464078\">https:\/\/www.jstor.org\/stable\/40464078<\/a>. Morris likely drew inspiration from William Henry Drayton, the Chief Justice of South Carolina, who referred to the American Revolution as early as April of 1776 in a charge to a grand jury. <a href=\"https:\/\/www.amrevmuseum.org\/virtualexhibits\/season-of-independence\/pages\/charlestown-south-carolina-grand-jury-presentments-april-23-1776\">https:\/\/www.amrevmuseum.org\/virtualexhibits\/season-of-independence\/pages\/charlestown-south-carolina-grand-jury-presentments-april-23-1776<\/a> Drayton was also a colleague of Morris on the three-member committee charged with responding to the Carlisle Commission. <em>JCC<\/em>, 10:367.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref5\" name=\"_ftn5\">[5]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 In a letter to John Adams dated 27 March 1777, William Gordon indicated that he was \u201ccollecting materials for an history of the rise progress and successful issue of the American revolution.\u201d <a href=\"https:\/\/founders.archives.gov\/documents\/Adams\/06-05-02-0074\">https:\/\/founders.archives.gov\/documents\/Adams\/06-05-02-0074<\/a><\/p>\n<p>Nonetheless, Gordon would not publish his history for another decade. William Gordon, <em>The History of the Rise, Progress, and Establishment, of the Independence of the United States of America<\/em>, 4 vols. (London, 1788). Accordingly, while Morris did not originate the term \u201cthe American Revolution,\u201d he certainly popularized it.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref6\" name=\"_ftn6\">[6]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Morris\u2019s abilities as a public speaker were evident in 1768 when he delivered a commencement address at King\u2019s College. At his graduation he was also awarded a medal by the \u201cLiterary Society.\u201d \u00a0<em>New-York General Advertiser<\/em>, 26 May 1768. During the summer of 1787 Morris and fellow Pennsylvania delegate, James Wilson, spoke more times than any other delegates at the Constitutional Convention. <a href=\"https:\/\/csac.history.wisc.edu\/2021\/05\/18\/speeches-motions-and-committee-assignments-in-the-constitutional-convention\/\">https:\/\/csac.history.wisc.edu\/2021\/05\/18\/speeches-motions-and-committee-assignments-in-the-constitutional-convention\/<\/a><\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref7\" name=\"_ftn7\">[7]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Morris\u2019s historical addresses included an 1812 discourse on New York history, an 1813 oration to the Washington Benevolent Society and his 1816 inaugural address to New-York Historical Society. These speeches will be discussed below.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref8\" name=\"_ftn8\">[8]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 James J. Kirschke, <em>Gouverneur Morris: Author, Statesman, and Man of the World<\/em> (Thomas Dunne Books, 2005), 259. Morris was the Vice President of the New-York Historical Society from 1810 &#8211; 1815. He passed away in 1816, the year he was elected the President. Robert Hendre Kelby, <em>The New York Historical Society, 1804-1904<\/em> (1905), 29. One can only speculate what additional historical work he might have produced had he not passed in 1816.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref9\" name=\"_ftn9\">[9]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Max M. Mintz, <em>Gouverneur Morris and the American Revolution<\/em> (University of Oklahoma Press, 1970), 104.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref10\" name=\"_ftn10\">[10]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Gouverneur Morris to Robert Morris, 17 August 1778; <em>LMCC<\/em>, 3:376-77.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref11\" name=\"_ftn11\">[11]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Morris refers to the Townsend Acts as \u201ca statute commonly called the glass, paper and tea act,\u201d as today\u2019s conventional labels and terminology had not yet been agreed upon. <em>Observations<\/em> at 6.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref12\" name=\"_ftn12\">[12]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <em>Observations<\/em> at 12.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref13\" name=\"_ftn13\">[13]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Morris cites the Declaration of Independence as the \u201cDECLARATION by the Representatives of the UNITED STATES of AMERICA, in Congress assembled,\u201d the title in the original printed version of the Declaration. The subsequent, more popular engrossed version was signed beginning on August 2, 1776.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref14\" name=\"_ftn14\">[14]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 The Carlisle Peace Commission arrived in America in June of 1778 and did not return to England until December. Frustrated in their efforts to negotiate with Congress, in October the Commission issued an appeal directly to the American people, with a 40-day deadline to accept the King\u2019s offer of pardon. The <em>Observations<\/em> were thus part and parcel of the Congressional response to the British overtures. Paul H. Smith, <em>Letters of Delegates to Congress <\/em>(Library of Congress, 1985), 12:xxvii.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref15\" name=\"_ftn15\">[15]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Among other things, Morris\u2019s 1776 speech to the New York Provincial Congress recognized a bright American future and a government which would secure \u201cthe blessings of liberty\u201d and exalt \u201cthe dignity of mankind.\u201d J. Jackson Barlow, ed., <em>To Secure the Blessings of Liberty: Selected Writings of Gouverneur Morris<\/em> (Liberty Fund, 2012), 22.<\/p>\n<p>As recently described by historian Scott S. Greenberger, Morris\u2019s <em>Oration <\/em>on independence in 1776 \u201cpainted a portrait of a glorious future: A united and economically thriving republic, enlarged by western settlements and blessed with a growing and educated population.\u201d Greenberger, <em>The Forsaken Founder<\/em> (Simon &amp; Schuster, 2026), 38.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref16\" name=\"_ftn16\">[16]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <em>JCC<\/em>, 12:519.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref17\" name=\"_ftn17\">[17]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Paul H. Smith, <em>Letters of Delegates to Congress <\/em>(Library of Congress, 1985), 12:xxvii.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref18\" name=\"_ftn18\">[18]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Edmund C. Burnett, <em>Letters of Members of the Continental Congress<\/em> (Carnegie Institution, 1926), 3:xv.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref19\" name=\"_ftn19\">[19]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Dunlap\u2019s <em>Pennsylvania Packet<\/em>, 20 March 1779.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref20\" name=\"_ftn20\">[20]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Shortly after its publication in America, Morris\u2019s <em>Observations<\/em> were circulating in London. William Howard Adams, <em>Gouverneur Morris: An Independent Life<\/em> (Yale University Press, 2003), 111. <em>Observations<\/em> was republished in 1779 by the British periodical <em>The Remembrancer<\/em>. Morris biographer James Kirschke suggests that the republication of <em>Observations<\/em> by John Alnon in London was propitiously timed. According to Kirschke, \u201c[i]t is quite possible,\u201d that <em>Observations<\/em> may have helped swing British public opinion against the war. In fact, Alnon was accused of libeling King George and was imprisoned for two years. Kirschke, 92.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref21\" name=\"_ftn21\">[21]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Congress authorized payment of $2,986 to Stiner &amp; Cist for printing of 1,300 copies of <em>Observations<\/em> on April 5, 1779.<em> JCC<\/em>, 13:421.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref22\" name=\"_ftn22\">[22]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 The full title of the 122-page work declares that it was \u201cPublished According to a Resolution of Congress by their Committee for the Consideration of those who are Desirous of Comparing the Conduct of the Opposed Parties and the Several Consequences which have Flowed from It.\u201d<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"https:\/\/www.google.com\/books\/edition\/Observations_on_the_American_Revolution\/Io42T0rGBuQC?hl=en&amp;gbpv=1&amp;dq=%22observations+on+the+american+revolution%22&amp;printsec=frontcover\">https:\/\/www.google.com\/books\/edition\/Observations_on_the_American_Revolution\/Io42T0rGBuQC?hl=en&amp;gbpv=1&amp;dq=%22observations+on+the+american+revolution%22&amp;printsec=frontcover<\/a><\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref23\" name=\"_ftn23\">[23]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <em>American Journal and General Advertiser<\/em>, 24 May 1780.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref24\" name=\"_ftn24\">[24]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Kirschke, 90.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref25\" name=\"_ftn25\">[25]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 A copy can be found in the Jefferson Collection at the Library of Congress. George Washington also owned a copy. <a href=\"https:\/\/www.mountvernon.org\/library\/special-collections-archives\/books-owned-by-washington\">https:\/\/www.mountvernon.org\/library\/special-collections-archives\/books-owned-by-washington<\/a><\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref26\" name=\"_ftn26\">[26]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Richard Henry Lee to Thomas Jefferson, <em>LDC<\/em>, 12:421. See also RHL to John Adams, <em>LDC<\/em>, 12:379. John Jay sent a copy to the Spanish Foreign Minister, Floridablanca on 25 April 1780. <a href=\"https:\/\/founders.archives.gov\/documents\/Jay\/01-02-02-0033\">https:\/\/founders.archives.gov\/documents\/Jay\/01-02-02-0033<\/a><\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref27\" name=\"_ftn27\">[27]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Paul Smith, <em>LDC,<\/em> 12:xxvii.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref28\" name=\"_ftn28\">[28]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Harvard historian and President, Jared Sparks, also wrote a biography of Morris (1832), along with biographies of George Washington (1834-1837) and Benjamin Franklin (1836-1840).<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref29\" name=\"_ftn29\">[29]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Theodore Roosevelt, <em>Life of Gouverneur Morris<\/em> (Houghton, Mifflin and Co., 1888), 187-188.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref30\" name=\"_ftn30\">[30]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <em>Observations<\/em> at 1. When citing below to Morris\u2019s <em>Observations<\/em>, the first Philadelphia edition by Styner and Cist will be used.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref31\" name=\"_ftn31\">[31]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <em>Observations<\/em> at 18.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref32\" name=\"_ftn32\">[32]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <em>Observations<\/em> at 1.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref33\" name=\"_ftn33\">[33]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <em>Observations<\/em> at 2.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref34\" name=\"_ftn34\">[34]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <em>Observations<\/em> at 2.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref35\" name=\"_ftn35\">[35]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <em>Observations<\/em> at 3.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref36\" name=\"_ftn36\">[36]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <em>Observations<\/em> at 4.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref37\" name=\"_ftn37\">[37]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <em>Observations<\/em> at 5.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref38\" name=\"_ftn38\">[38]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 The official name of the famous Congressional address was the \u201cMemorial to the Inhabitants of the British Colonies,\u201d appropriately re-labeled by Morris as Congress\u2019s \u201caddress \u00a0to America of October 1774.\u201d <em>Observations<\/em> at 4.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref39\" name=\"_ftn39\">[39]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <em>Observations<\/em> at 7-8.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref40\" name=\"_ftn40\">[40]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <em>Observations<\/em> at 12.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref41\" name=\"_ftn41\">[41]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <em>Observations<\/em> at 10-11.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref42\" name=\"_ftn42\">[42]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <em>Observations<\/em> at 8.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref43\" name=\"_ftn43\">[43]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <em>Observations<\/em> at 11.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref44\" name=\"_ftn44\">[44]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <em>JCC<\/em>, 1:115.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref45\" name=\"_ftn45\">[45]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <em>Observations<\/em> at 12-16.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref46\" name=\"_ftn46\">[46]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <em>Observations<\/em> at 16.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref47\" name=\"_ftn47\">[47]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <em>Observations<\/em> at 18-19.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref48\" name=\"_ftn48\">[48]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <em>Observations<\/em> at 18-19.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref49\" name=\"_ftn49\">[49]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <em>Observations<\/em> at 19.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref50\" name=\"_ftn50\">[50]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <em>Observations<\/em> at 24. Morris might have been invoking Thomas Paine\u2019s <em>Common Sense<\/em>, which similarly declared in 1776 that \u201cWe have it in our power to begin the world over again.\u201d<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref51\" name=\"_ftn51\">[51]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <em>JCC<\/em>, 2:59.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref52\" name=\"_ftn52\">[52]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <em>Observations<\/em> at 25-26.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref53\" name=\"_ftn53\">[53]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Morris\u2019s mother and half-brother were loyalists at the same time than another half-brother, Lewis Morris, would become a signatory to the Declaration of Independence.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref54\" name=\"_ftn54\">[54]<\/a>\u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0<em>Observations<\/em> at 29.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref55\" name=\"_ftn55\">[55]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <em>Observations<\/em> at 36-40.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref56\" name=\"_ftn56\">[56]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <em>Observations<\/em> at 35-36.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref57\" name=\"_ftn57\">[57]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <em>JCC<\/em>, 1:163-170.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref58\" name=\"_ftn58\">[58]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <em>Observations<\/em> at 40-49.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref59\" name=\"_ftn59\">[59]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <em>Observations<\/em> at 49.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref60\" name=\"_ftn60\">[60]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <em>JCC<\/em>, 4:229.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref61\" name=\"_ftn61\">[61]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <em>Observations<\/em> at 50.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref62\" name=\"_ftn62\">[62]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <em>JCC<\/em>, 4:18.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref63\" name=\"_ftn63\">[63]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <em>Observations<\/em> at 51.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref64\" name=\"_ftn64\">[64]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <em>Observations<\/em> at 52-53:\u00a0 <em>JCC<\/em>, 4:342, 4:357.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref65\" name=\"_ftn65\">[65]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <em>JCC<\/em>, 4:342.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref66\" name=\"_ftn66\">[66]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <a href=\"https:\/\/founders.archives.gov\/documents\/Adams\/01-03-02-0016-0120\">https:\/\/founders.archives.gov\/documents\/Adams\/01-03-02-0016-0120<\/a><\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref67\" name=\"_ftn67\">[67]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 John Adams to James Warren, 15 May 1776;<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"https:\/\/founders.archives.gov\/documents\/Adams\/06-04-02-0079\">https:\/\/founders.archives.gov\/documents\/Adams\/06-04-02-0079<\/a><\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref68\" name=\"_ftn68\">[68]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <em>Observations <\/em>at 53-57.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref69\" name=\"_ftn69\">[69]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <em>Observations<\/em> at 57-58.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref70\" name=\"_ftn70\">[70]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <em>Observations<\/em> at 58-61; <em>JCC<\/em>, 5:765.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref71\" name=\"_ftn71\">[71]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <em>Observations<\/em> at 61.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref72\" name=\"_ftn72\">[72]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <em>Observations<\/em> at 62.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref73\" name=\"_ftn73\">[73]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <a href=\"https:\/\/thomaspaine.org\/recently-discovered\/response-to-observations-on-the-american-revolution\/\">https:\/\/thomaspaine.org\/recently-discovered\/response-to-observations-on-the-american-revolution\/<\/a><\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref74\" name=\"_ftn74\">[74]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <em>Observations<\/em> at 62.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref75\" name=\"_ftn75\">[75]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <em>Observations<\/em> at 63-66.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref76\" name=\"_ftn76\">[76]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <em>Observations<\/em> at 66-72.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref77\" name=\"_ftn77\">[77]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Mintz at101; Kirschke at 81.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref78\" name=\"_ftn78\">[78]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <em>Observations<\/em> at 72-78.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref79\" name=\"_ftn79\">[79]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Mintz at 103;<em> JCC<\/em>, 11:474.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref80\" name=\"_ftn80\">[80]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 William Howard Adams at 105.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref81\" name=\"_ftn81\">[81]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Brookhiser at 51.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref82\" name=\"_ftn82\">[82]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 William Howard Adams at 106. Adams also cites to 19<sup>th<\/sup> century historian <span style=\"color: #000000;\"><strong><a style=\"color: #000000;\" href=\"https:\/\/archive.org\/details\/historyofuniteds08adamuoft\/page\/18\/mode\/2up?q=even-tempered\">William Henry Adams\u2019s<\/a> <\/strong><\/span>opinion that Gouverneur Morris was \u201ccool, even-tempered, incredulous, with convictions chiefly practical and illusions largely rhetorical.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref83\" name=\"_ftn83\">[83]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Adams at 104.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref84\" name=\"_ftn84\">[84]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 John Jay to Gouverneur Morris, 20 May 1778.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref85\" name=\"_ftn85\">[85]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <em>Observations<\/em> at 79.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref86\" name=\"_ftn86\">[86]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <em>Observations<\/em> at 79-84.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref87\" name=\"_ftn87\">[87]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <em>Observations<\/em> at 110-118.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref88\" name=\"_ftn88\">[88]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <em>Observations<\/em> at 118.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref89\" name=\"_ftn89\">[89]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Kirschke at 85, 90<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref90\" name=\"_ftn90\">[90]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Mintz at 112.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref91\" name=\"_ftn91\">[91]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Among other things, Morris\u2019s speech recognized a bright American future and a government which would secure \u201cthe blessings of liberty\u201d and exalt \u201cthe dignity of mankind.\u201d<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>America\u2019s First Historian Gouverneur Morris\u2019s Observations on the American Revolution (Part 2) A temple to freedom In 1779 a newly&hellip;<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":[],"categories":[1],"tags":[],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.statutesandstories.com\/blog_html\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/18918"}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.statutesandstories.com\/blog_html\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.statutesandstories.com\/blog_html\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.statutesandstories.com\/blog_html\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.statutesandstories.com\/blog_html\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=18918"}],"version-history":[{"count":9,"href":"https:\/\/www.statutesandstories.com\/blog_html\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/18918\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":18940,"href":"https:\/\/www.statutesandstories.com\/blog_html\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/18918\/revisions\/18940"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.statutesandstories.com\/blog_html\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=18918"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.statutesandstories.com\/blog_html\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=18918"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.statutesandstories.com\/blog_html\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=18918"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}