The Regarding Free Henry Hypothesis
Mary Dalley Eight in 1780 – Part 2
In late 2024 Statutesandstories.com discovered the identity of members of the founding generation who boarded with Mary Dalley in 1780. Mary Dalley’s eight boarders (“the Mary Dalley Eight in 1780” – Part 1) included Samuel Adams, Gouverneur Morris and General Alexander McDougall. Six of Miss Dalley’s boarders in 1780 were Congressional delegates from Massachusetts and New Hampshire. Several boarders would become members and/or leaders of the Pennsylvania Abolition Society and the New York Manumission Society. Yet, the most tantalizing evidence recently uncovered in the 1780 Philadelphia tax records[1] is the revelation that Miss Dalley employed a “free Negro servant” named Henry.
This post (“Regarding Free Henry”) focuses on Henry, a “hired servant” employed by Miss Dalley. It is clear that Henry lived and worked in close proximity along with Samuel Adams, Gouverneur Morris and other members of Congress during the Revolutionary War. The prospect that Henry might have been present at Miss Dalley’s boarding house seven years later – during the Constitutional Convention – remains an open question.
Part 1 launched the “What about Henry?” investigation to better understand the “Mary Dalley Eight in 1780” and their interactions with Henry. In an effort to shine a spotlight on Henry, Statutesandstories.com invited researchers and scholars to assist with this ongoing investigation. Part 2 below offers a hypothesis as to Henry’s identity.
The Regarding Free Henry Hypothesis proposes that the Henry who worked for Miss Dalley in 1780 was Henry Stewart. If so, Henry was a colleague of Absolom Jones and Richard Allen and a co-founder and trustee of St. Thomas’ African Episcopal Church of Philadelphia.[2] In the later part of the 18th century, Henry Stewart would become a leader of the African Free Society, possibly the first organization of its kind in American history.[3] As an emissary of the free African American community in Philadelphia, Henry Stewart traveled to Boston in 1789 to meet with Prince Hall, “the first Grand Master of Colored Masons in the United States.”[4]
Part 2 begins by introducing Henry Stewart, the focus of the Regarding Free Henry Hypothesis. After summarizing available information about Henry’s background, this essay presents the evidence that Henry Stewart was the “free Negro servant” who worked for Miss Dalley in 1780. Admittedly, this hypothesis is purely circumstantial. Nevertheless, the hypothesis is supported by the detailed reasoning and inferences set forth below. Part 3 (under construction) will conclude with research questions and a roadmap for future scholarly research. The goal is to collaboratively leave no stone unturned in an effort to learn more about Henry and prove, refine, or disprove the Regarding Free Henry Hypothesis.
Who was Henry Stewart?
In April of 1787, the month before the Constitutional Convention, the Free African Society (“FAS”) was founded in Philadelphia. The organization was created by Absalom Jones and Richard Allen, two former slaves who would become Philadelphia’s first Black ministers.[5] Henry Stewart became an early leader of the FAS and a co-founder of St. Thomas’ African Episcopal Church. While there are no known portraits of Henry Stewart, Absalom Jones and Richard Allen are pictured below.
When it was founded, the FAS was the first African American benevolent society and fraternal organization in Philadelphia, the nation’s largest city at the time. The FAS was also significant as the forerunner of Philadelphia’s first independent African American churches, including Absalom Jones’ African Episcopal Church.[6] In 1862 the early records of the FAS were compiled and transcribed as the Annals of the First African Church (“Annals”).[7] Stewart’s name appears over a dozen times in the Annals.
As described by W. E. B. Du Bois, the founding of the FAS represented “the first wavering step of a people toward an organized social life.” For Du Bois, “[h]ow great a step this was….”[8] As described by historian Gary Nash, the FAS was an organization in which “people emerging from bondage could gather strength, develop their own leaders, define themselves as a group, and independently explore strategies for hammering out an existence” of their own.[9]
Pictured below is an image from the FAS ledger book evidencing that Henry Stewart was recorded as paying dues beginning in October of 1788.
In 1789, Stewart was selected by the FAS to visit and consult with similar societies in New England. While traveling to Boston, Stewart met with leaders of the Union Society of Newport, Rhode Island.[10] In Boston, Stewart met with Grand Mason Prince Hall. Letters from Newport and Boston mentioning Stewart’s trip are transcribed in the Annals. Stewart is described as a “truly worthy member” by the Newport Union Society, which prepared a “Certificate to H. Stewart.” The certificate ostensibly served as a letter of introduction to Prince Hall.[11] The certificate may also have been intended as a means of officially vouching for Stewart during his travels.
A letter from Prince Hall, delivered by Stewart, pointed to the sensitive nature of their discussions. Hall informed the FAS that “your brother Stewart will inform you by word of mouth of some proposals we made to him, which I do not care to write at this time.”[12] Based on the written correspondence from the Newport Society, topics that were discussed included the Rhode Island proposals for emigration back to Africa. Yet, it appears clear that return to Africa plans were not embraced by either the FAS or Stewart. As evidenced by a reply from the FAS to their Newport colleagues, “[w]ith regard to the emigration to Africa you mention, we have at present but little to communicate” on that topic. The FAS politely observed that, “every pious man is a good citizen of the whole world,” which was an indication that the leadership of the free African American community in Philadelphia was more hopeful about their prospects[13] than their Rhode Island counterparts.
In March of 1790 the FAS submitted a petition to the Mayor and City Council of Philadelphia to lease the “burial-ground called Potters’ Field.” Henry Stewart was one of eight signatories to the FAS petition.[14] Prominent Philadelphians, including Dr. Benjamin Rush and Tench Coxe, signed the back of the petition, recommending the project. The endorsement evidenced that elite members of Philadelphia society were “acquainted with several members of” the FAC, approved their institution, and could therefore “recommend the members thereof, as well as their humane design,” as being “worthy of confidence and encouragement.”[15]
The following year, Henry Stewart’s name appears in the Philadelphia newspapers, along with Absalom Jones and a total of eight representatives of the African Church of Philadelphia. Citing “a deep sense of the goodness of God, who has blessed many of us with liberty,” the church publicized its detailed “Articles of Faith and Practice.” Reverand Jones and the representatives of the church were likely attempting to formalize and advertise their deep commitment to established church doctrine.[16] Six months later, in February of 1792, Henry Stewart was one of six representatives listed on the deed to purchase land for the church.[17]
Henry Stewart’s name also regularly appeared in the Philadelphia newspapers in a fundraising appeal pictured below, which began in the fall of 1791. Absalom Jones, Henry Stewart and seven other representatives of the church were listed in the “subscription,” addressed to “the Friends of Liberty and Religion in the City of Philadelphia.”[18] Having raised funds, Absalom Jones and his flock were prepared to react in 1792 to the “St. George’s incident.”
For many years, Absalom Jones and his congregants operated out of St. George’s Methodist Church, a large racially integrated church. In the fall of 1792, “one of the most dramatic confrontations in early American church history” led Jones and his congregants to form their own African American church. St. George’s underwent renovations and expansion after outgrowing its seating capacity. The first Sunday after the renovations were completed, Black congregants were informed that they would be required to sit in newly segregated sections. Unaware of the new rule, Absolom Jones and others Black worshipers were already praying in their customary seats. Nonetheless, Jones described that they were picked up and “dragged off our knees in St. George’s Church.” According to Richard Allen, “we all went out of the church in a body, and they were no more plagued by us in the church.”[19] It is unknown whether Henry Stewart was present that day in 1792, but it does not appear that he ever returned to St. George’s.
In 1794 Henry Stewart was listed as one of seven “founders and trustees” of the St Thomas African Episcopal Church of Philadelphia, the new church established by Absalom Jones.[20] That same year, Stewart was one of the four signatories to a petition to the Bishop and Clergy of the Protestant Episcopal Churches of Philadelphia, requesting that Absalom Jones be officially ordained.[21] In August of 1795, Jones became the first Black deacon in the Episcopal Church when he was ordained by Bishop William White.[22] In 1794, Jones’ church had 246 members.[23] In 1795, the year that Absalom Jones was ordained deacon, the church rapidly grew to 427 members.[24] In 1796 Henry Stewart was elected a vestryman in the St. Thomas African Episcopal Church, the first elected church officers of any African American congregation.[25]
Henry was apparently not only active with Absalom Jones’ church and the FAS, he was also involved with the first Masonic lodge created in Philadelphia. In 1797, Henry Stewart became one of the early members of Africa Lodge No. 459 of the Free and Accepted Masons of Philadelphia.[26] The lodge was established under the charter from Grand Master Prince Hall’s African Lodge in Boston. Hall was the first African American Grand Master of Masons in the United States.[27] In November of 1798, African Lodge No. 459 passed a resolution proposing to change its name to the James Moses Lodge No. 1. Henry Stewart was one of the Masons at the meeting who presumably supported the resolution.[28] When the Lodge was officially established in 1797, Prince Hall might have recalled that he personally met Henry Stewart during his trip to Boston in 1789.
The last appearance of Henry Stewart’s name in print involves the publication of an early anti-slavery novel, The Negro Equaled by Few Europeans.[29] In the 18th century, the business of book publishing was often based on the solicitation of advance orders. After enough subscribers had agreed to purchase the proposed book, it would eventually be printed. As a result of this process, it was common for the publisher to include a list of the names of the subscribers in the book.
As the new century approached, the Philadelphia African American and abolitionist community seized on an opportunity to support their cause through literature. While southern representatives were obstructing anti-slavery petitions in Congress, Philadelphia printer William W. Woodward proposed a two-volume translation from French of the Marquis de Bois-Robert’s novel. To further reinforce the point, the novel was accompanied by the poetry of Phillis Wheatley, a former slave. As described by historian Julie Winch, “[h]ere was the perfect answer to those congressmen who considered black people to be simple-minded because of their lack of formal education.” Winch conservatively estimates that at least twenty-two of the subscribers were Black.[30] Pictured below is the subscriber list for Woodard’s book. Both Henry Stewart and his wife, Elizabeth Stewart, are listed as subscribers.
Henry Stewart’s family background
Unfortunately, StautesandStories.com has not been able yet to verify Henry Stewart’s family background and origin. Work is ongoing. With that said, church baptism records establish that he was married to Elizabeth Stewart. The couple had at least two children. Pierce Gray Stewart was born on 11 January 1796. Pierce was baptized by Absalom Jones in April of 1786. Henry Stewart, Jr., was born on 19 November 1797 and baptized on 17 March 1799. It is reasonable to infer the Pierce Gray Stewart’s middle name was selected out of affection for another church trustee, William Gray, whose name commonly appeared alongside Henry Stewart’s name in church publications. It is unclear who “Pierce” was, but this might provide a clue as to Henry’s background. Perhaps Pierce might be Henry’s father or other intimate family friend?
Evidence supporting the “Regarding Free Henry Hypothesis”
Set forth below is the admittedly circumstantial evidence that supports the Regarding Free Henry Hypothesis. Statuesandstories.com welcomes efforts by scholars and researchers to expand upon this body of work and reasoning.
- Relatively small universe of free “Henrys” in 1780:
To begin with, the dataset of “free Negro servants” in Philadelphia in 1780 was relatively small. When dealing with 18thcentury materials, one can never assume that the data is complete. This is particularly true when using scant materials for enslaved people and other minority groups. Nevertheless, based on available data, it is estimated that there were only 241 “free Blacks” in Philadelphia in 1780.[31] After the Revolutionary War, the “free Black” population of Philadelphia would dramatically increase over the next few decades.[32]
In 1794 the congregation of Absolom Jones’ church had 246 members, making it larger than the free Black population of Philadelphia in 1780.[33] The full names for all members are printed in the Annals. While the congregation would nearly double within a year, in 1794 there were only four Henrys in the congregation: Henry Stewart, Henry Wilson, Henry Duff, and Henry Wiltshire.[34] Based on his role as a vestryman, Henry Stewart’s name is the first of the Henrys listed in the “register of the members up to 1794.”
- Who would have been a better choice for the FAS to send to Boston in 1789?:
In 1789 Henry Stewart was sent as the sole emissary of the Free African Society to meet with Prince Hall in Boston. The Regarding Free Henry Hypothesis argues that Henry Stewart was an ideal candidate for this assignment based on his intimate familiarity with the members of Congress from Boston who boarded for years at Miss Dalley’s boarding house. Who better to send to Boston in 1789 than a trusted hired servant who was likely on a first name basis with some of the most powerful politicians and leaders in Massachusetts? It is expected that travel by a free African American was not without risk. Based on his likely personal connections in Massachusetts, Henry Stewart was ideally situated to assume this assignment. In the event that he was apprehended or kidnapped by slavers, he had powerful friends.
The 1780 Philadelphia Tax Assessment Ledger for the Walnut Ward, discussed in Part 1, demonstrates that Samuel Adams, Artemas Ward, and James Lovell boarded with Miss Dalley in 1780. Receipts and expense reports in the Massachusetts State Archives further evidence that Massachusetts delegates Elbridge Gerry, Samuel Holten, and George Partridge lived with Miss Dalley prior to and/or after 1780. It is expected that this list of six delegates is only a conservative sampling of the Massachusetts delegates who resided at one time or another with Miss Dalley.
Other notable boarders – from New York – included Gouverneur Morris, Alexander Hamilton, Dr. John Jones, Alexander McDougall, Matthew Clarkson, and Richard Platt. Confirmed boarders from New Hampshire included William Whipple, Nathaniel Peabody, and Woodbury Langdon.[35] Depending on how long Henry Stewart worked for Miss Dalley, he would potentially have known all of these prominent members of the founding generation. Who better to send to Boston?
- Henry’s likely contacts in Philadelphia:
Apart from Miss Dalley’s boarders from other states, Henry would likely have meet some of the most important leaders in Philadelphia while working with Miss Dalley. For example, in 1780 the building where Miss Dalley operated her boarding house was owned by Thomas Mifflin. In 1783 Mifflin became the 5th President of the Confederation Congress. In 1785 Mifflin was elected the Speaker of the Pennsylvania Assembly. In 1788, Mifflin was elected President of the Supreme Executive Council (in essence Governor), replacing Benjamin Franklin. Mifflin is but one of the many influential Pennsylvanians who likely dined or visited with Congressional colleagues at Miss Dalley’s boarding house.
In 1782 Miss Dalley moved her boarding house to a building on Market Street owned by Bartholomew Wistar, a prominent Quaker abolitionist. It is theoretically possible that Henry Stewart might have travelled with Wistar or other merchants on business trips.
- Henry’s contacts with visitors to Miss Dalley’s boarding house:
Massachusetts congressional delegate Samuel Holten kept a detailed social diary when he boarded with Miss Dalley. Holten’s diary identifies more than a dozen signers of the Declaration of Independence who dined at Miss Dalley’s boarding house between 1778 and 1780.[36] Other famous visitors dining at Miss Dalley’s boarding house included James Madison, John Trumbull, Benedict Arnold, Sir James Jay (John Jay’s brother), Lewis Morris (Gouverneur Morris’ brother), Conrad Alexandre Gérard of France, and Senior Don Juan from Spain. According to Holten’s diary, a dozen future framers of the Constitution also ate meals at Miss Dalley’s boarding house.[37]
Depending on the dates that he worked with Miss Dalley, Henry would have likely developed influential contacts with the upper echelons of American society around the nation. Moreover, the discussions around the table at Miss Dalley’s would presumable have provided an invaluable education for Henry. Apart from politicians, Henry would have had access to French and Spanish diplomats, who Henry would have been able to witness in a social setting at Miss Dalley’s boarding house.
- Sympathetic contacts of Henry’s might have assisted with the purchase of land for the church and/or other FAS activities:
Henry Stewart was a leader of the FAS and a vestryman of Absalom Jones’ church. Henry was actively involved in efforts to secure land for burials, purchase land for the church, and fundraise for the construction of the church itself. While Henry may or may not have been wealthy, his contacts would have been invaluable.
- The Act of 1780 was likely a topic of conversation at Miss Dalley’s in 1780:
As described in Part 1, 1780 was an important year in America history. Pennsylvania’s Act for the Gradual Abolition of Slavery was adopted in 1780 and was likely discussed at Miss Dalley’s boarding house. If so, Henry might have been part of the conversation as the only “free Negro servant” at Miss Dalley’s. Moreover, in 1780 there were estimated to be only 241 “free Blacks” in Philadelphia. Thus, it is reasonable to assume that Miss Dalley’s boarders might have discussed current events, politics, or the new law with Henry. Accordingly, “boarding house Henry” would have been well equipped if he was in fact Henry Stewart.
- Rejection of Newport return to Africa emigration:
During Henry Stewart’s visit to Newport it appears that he and his Philadelphia colleagues opposed the Rhode Island proposals to return to Africa. It is not unreasonable to surmise that Henry Stewart would have been well aware of the abolitionist allies, Friends, and colleagues in Philadelphia who supported the rights and liberties of African Americans in America. By having lived at Miss Dalley’s boarding house and associated with future members of the Pennsylvania Abolition Society and New York Manumission Society, “boarding house Henry” would have been well placed to engage in this dialogue if he was in fact Henry Stewart.
- It is possible that Henry may have originally been from Philadelphia:
Mary Dalley is believed to have been a native New Yorker before the Revolutionary War. It is possible that Henry might have travelled to Philadelphia with Miss Dalley. Likewise, it is possible that Henry might have originally been employed as a servant by one of Miss Dalley’s boarders, including Gouverneur Morris. If so, Henry could reasonably be expected to already have experience travelling. He may also have been more cosmopolitan than the average Philadelphia resident.
Thus far, StatutesandStories has not been able to locate any evidence of Henry’s background in Philadelphia. For example, searches of the Papers of the Pennsylvania Abolition Society have not uncovered any manumission or other records for Henry. This lack of evidence as to Henry’s origins in Philadelphia may in fact be evidence that Henry was born in another state. If Henry was originally from New York or New England, he would have been ideally suited to take the trip in 1789 to visit with Prince Hall.
- Book Subscription is consistent with discussions of literature at Miss Dalley’s:
While far from being definitive evidence, the fact that Henry Stewart and his wife were both subscribers to publisher William W. Woodward’s anti-slavery book is evidence that he was literate and political. It is reasonable to assume that the conversations at Miss Dalley’s boarding house would have helped facilitate an appreciation of literature and Phillis Wheatley’s poetry. As described by Julie Winch, as a result of its dues requirements, membership in the FAS was limited to those who enjoyed a certain degree of affluence. The FAS was selective in admitting members with “proven respectability,” who might have been attracted to Woodward’s scholarly exercise.[38]
While it is uncertain who Henry and Elizabeth Stewart had in mind when naming their son Pierce Gray Stewart, one possibility is that the name Gray was inspired by Thomas Gray, arguably the foremost English poet of the mid-18thcentury.[39] Thomas Gray was best known for his poem Elegy Written in a Country Churchyard. Indeed, Thomas Gray was an important inspiration for Phillis Wheatley. If Gray was the namesake for their son, this is further evidence that Henry Stewart and/or his wife aspired to be somewhat cosmopolitan and worldly. These are precisely the characteristics that might have been cultivated by living and working with Miss Dalley and her boarders in 1780.
This post will continue in Part 3 (under construction) with research questions and a roadmap for future scholarly research. Among the pending questions is whether Henry Stewart might have been involved with an anti-slavery petition facilitated by Absalom Jones in 1799 and similar petitions in 1781.
Endnotes
[1] The 1780 Constable Return for the Walnut Ward.
[2] The first Episcopal Church in American founded by African Americans….
[3] Gary B. Nash, Forging Freedom: The Formation of Philadelphia’s Black Community, 1720-1840 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1988), 98.
[4] Pamphlet entitled The First Negro Organization, page 10 (author, date and publisher are uncertain but may have been published by George F. Bragg), Maryland State Archives, Special Collections.
[5] Julie Winch, Philadelphia’s Black Elite: Activism, Accommodation, and the Struggle for Autonomy, 1787-1848(Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1988), 5.
[6] Winch, 5.
[7] William Douglass, Annals of the First African Church in the United States of America, now styled The African Episcopal Church of St. Thomas (Philadelphia, King & Baird, 1862).
[8] W. E. B. Du Bois, The Philadelphia Negro: A Social Study (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press 1899), 1899.
[9] Nash, Forging Freedom, 98.
[10] Annals, 25; Winch, 7.
[11] Annals, 30.
[12] Annals, 31.
[13] Annals, 28.
[14] Annals, 34-35.
[15] Annals, 35.
[16] The Independent Gazetteer, 10 September 1791, p. 2.
[17] The purchase price listed on the deed was £450, with title vested in the trustees including Absalom Jones and Henry Stewart. The First Negro Organization, 12; Annals, 43.
[18] The subscription appears in Philadelphia papers beginning in September of 1791.
[19] Gary B. Nash, Race, Class and Politics: Essays on American Colonial and Revolutionary Society (University of Illinois Press, 1986), 337; Fischer, 256.
[20] Annals, 95.
[21] Annals, 101-102.
[22] Encyclopedia of African American Religions, “Jones, Absalom,” eds. Larry G. Murphy, J. Gordon Melton & Gary L. Ward (Routledge 2011)
[23] Annals, 107-110.
[24] Annals, 110.
[25] Annals, 106-107.
[26] William H. Grimshaw, Official History of Freemasonry among the Colored People of North America (Broadway Publishing Company 1903), 112.
[27] The First Negro Organization, 8.
[28] Grimshaw, 111.
[29] Joseph Lavallee (aka the Marquis de Bois-Robert), The Negro Equaled by Few Europeans, Translated from the French, to which are added, Poems on Various Subjects, Moral and Entertaining, by Phillis Wheatley (Philadelphia
[30] Julie Winch, A Gentleman of Color: The Life of James Forten (Oxford University Press 2002), 158.
[31] Gary B. Nash & Jean R. Soderlund, Freedom by Degrees: Emancipation in Pennsylvania and Its Aftermath (New York: Oxford University Press, 1991), Table 1-4, 18. According to Nash’s estimates, the population of Philadelphia in 1780 was 36,946, of which 539 were “slaves” and 241 were “free Blacks.”
[32] Nash & Soderlund, Freedom by Degrees, 18.
[33] Annals, 107-110.
[34] Research is ongoing to track down records for Henry Wilson, Henry Duff, and Henry Wiltshire.
[35] The names of Miss Dalley’s boarders is taken from a variety of sources including receipts and letters of delegates to Congress. Statutesandstories.com is happy to provide copies upon request. Much of the archival evidence about Miss Dalley will be discussed in the book, America’s Founding Hosts, forthcoming from SUNY Press in 2026.
[36] Signers of the Declaration of Independence who are listed by Holten as dining with or boarding at Miss Dalley’s boarding house include: John Adams (Massachusetts), Samuel Adams (Massachusetts), Josiah Bartlett (New Hampshire), William Ellery (Rhode Island), William Floyd (New York), Francis Hopkinson (New Jersey), Richard Henry Lee (Virginia), Thomas McKean (Delaware), Lewis Morris (New York), William Paca (Maryland), George Read (Delaware), George Ross (Pennsylvania), Roger Sherman (Connecticut), James Smith (Pennsylvania), William Williams (Connecticut), William Whipple (New Hampshire), John Witherspoon (New Jersey), and George Wythe (Virginia).
[37] The following delegates to the Constitutional Convention in 1787 visited Miss Dalley’s boarding house between 1778-1780: George Washington, James Madison, Alexander Hamilton, Roger Sherman, Gouverneur Morris, Edmund Randolph, Thomas Mifflin, Oliver Ellsworth, Elbridge Gerry, George Wythe, William Pierce, and George Read.
[38] Julie Winch, Philadelphia’s Black Elite: Activism, Accommodation, and the Struggle for Autonomy, 1787-1848 (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1988), 6.
[39] Thomas Gray’s Elegy Written in a County Churchyard was “a lament for death, loss and suffering of individual people everywhere, and at the same time a celebration of the human spirit and humanity itself.” Fischer, 100.